Archive for June, 2008

Benazir Bhutto’s Deadly Legacy

By William Dalrympleen

 

When, in May 1991, former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi of India was killed by a suicide bomber, there was an international outpouring of grief. Recent days have seen the same with the death of Benazir Bhutto: another glamorous, West­ern-educated scion of a great South Asian political dynasty tragically assassinated at an election rally.

 

There is, however, an important differ­ence between the two deaths: while Mr. Gandhi was assassinated by Sri Lankan Hindu extremists because of his policy of confronting them, Ms. Bhutto was appar­ently the victim of Islamist militant groups that she allowed to flourish under her ad­ministrations in the 1980s and 1990s.

 

It was under Ms. Bhutto’s watch that the Pakistani intelligence agency, Inter-Ser­vices Intelligence, Fast .installed the Tail ban in Afghanistan. It was also at that time that hundreds of young Islamic militants were recruited from the madrassas to do the agency’s dirty work in Indian Kashmir. It seems that, like some terrorist equivalent of Frankenstein’s monster, the extremists turned on both the person and the state that had helped bring them into being.

 

While it is true that the recruitment of jihadists had started before she took office and that Ms. Bhutto was insufficiently strong–or competent-to have had full control over either the intelligence services or the Pakistani army when she was in office, it is equally naive to believe she had no influence over her country’s foreign policy toward its two most important neighbors, India and Afghanistan.

 

Everyone now knows how disastrous the rule of the Taliban turned out to be in Afghanistan, how brutally it subjected women and how it allowed al-Qaeda to train in camps within its territory. But an­other, and in the long term perhaps equally perilous, legacy of Ms. Bhutto’s tenure is often forgotten: the turning of Kashmir into a jihadist playground.

 

In 1989, when the insurgency in the Indian portion of the disputed region first began, it was largely an amateur affair of young, secular-minded Kashmiri Muslims rising village by village and wielding homemade weapons-firearms fashioned from the steering shafts of rickshaws and so on. By the early ’90s, however, Pakistan was sending over the border thousands of well-trained, heavily armed and ideologi­cally hardened jihadis. Some were the same sorts of exiled Arab radicals who were at the same time forming al-Qaeda in Pe­shawar, in northwestern Pakistan.

 

By 1993, during Ms. Bhutto’s second term, the Arab and Afghan jihadis (and their Inter-Services Intelligence masters) had really begun to take over the uprising from the locals. It was at this stage that the secular leadership of the.Jammu and Kashmir Liber­ation Front began losing ground to hard-line Islamist outfits like Hizbul Mujahedeen.

 

I asked Benazir Bhutto about her Kash­mir policy and the potential dangers of the growing role of religious extremists in the conflict during an interview in 1994. “India tries to gloss over its policy of repression in Kashmir,” she replied. “India does have might, but has been unable to crush the people of Kashmir. We are not prepared to keep silent, and collude with repression.”

 

Hamid Gul, who was the head of the in­telligence agency during her first adminis­tration, was more forthcoming still. “The Kashmiri people have risen up,” he told me, “and it is the national purpose of Pak­istan to help liberate them.” He continued, “If the jihadis go out and contain India, tying down their army on their own soil, for a legitimate cause, why should we not support them?”

 

Benazir Bhutto’s death is, of course, a calamity, particularly as she embodied the hopes of so many liberal Pakistanis. But, contrary to the commentary we’ve seen in the last week, she was not comparable to Myanmar’s Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Ms, Bhutto’s governments were widely criti­cized by Amnesty International and other groups for their use of death squads and terrible record on deaths in police custody, abductions and torture. As for her democ­ratic bona fides, she had no qualms about banning rallies by opposing political par­ties while in power.

 

Within her own party, she declared her­self the president for life and controlled all decisions. She rejected her brother Mur­taza’s bid to challenge her for its leadership and when he persisted, he was shot dead in highly suspicious circumstances during a police ambush outside the Bhutto family home.

 

Benazir Bhutto was certainly a brave and secular-minded woman. But the obituaries painting her as dying to save democracy distort history. Instead, she was a natural autocrat who did little for human rights, a calculating politician who was complicit in Pakistan’s becoming the region’s principal jihadi paymaster while she also ramped up an insurgency in Kashmir that has brought two nuclear powers to the brink of war.

 

William Dalrymple is the author, most re­cently, of The Last Mughal: The Fall of a Dy­nasty, Delhi, 1857. This op-ed first appeared in The New York Times, Jan. 4, 2008. Copt­right 2008 The New York Times. Reprinted with permission.

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Zardari: All Five Fingers in Ghee

 

Ms Naheed Khan in a recent interview to a TV channel alluded to lack of experience of Mr Asif Zardari and expressed the hope that he would be learning about politics in his new avatar. Many in the Pakistan People’s Party, particularly those who remain without a position in the government, lament that the Party is fast losing its support amongst the masses and it may in fact be wiped out in the next elections.

 

Things are not as bleak as they may appear to be for the PPP, although it is hard to predict the future three to four years from now. One should not forget the legendary victory that the Congress Party experienced in India following the assassination of Indira Gandhi in October 1984 and of Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991. Almost everybody in Pakistan was expecting this pattern to be repeated in the country following Benazir Bhutto’s assassination in December 2007. Nothing of the sorts happened.

 

The PPP performed quite well in Sindh, which was expected all along even during Benazir’s life-time. But the Party performed badly in the Punjab against Nawaz Sharif’s Muslim League, and against the ANP and the PML-Q in the Frontier and Balochistan, respectively. The so-called sympathy wave was so weak that the Party secured even less than 10,000 votes from the constituency in Rawalpindi where Benazir was killed.

 

The fate of the Party is unlikely to be worse than this in the next elections whenever they take place and the people of rural Sindh are likely to continue to support the Bhuttos and their Party at least in the coming few years. The reasons for this unequivocal support can be analyzed some other time. Consequently, Mr Zardari appears to have taken the above equation in his calculations and is moving accordingly.

 

It is important for him to retain and keep playing the Sindh card whenever necessary and any gains in the remaining three provinces would be a bonus. Keeping the above in mind, one may appreciate his care-free attitude in handling the issue of restoration of judiciary. People’s stomachs cry for `Roti Roti’ and not `Justice Ifthikar’ he recently told  a gathering of his workers.

 

This is to a large extent true for all the poor masses of the country and particularly for the Province of Sindh where the movement for the judiciary’s restoration has never been popular. One now may attribute whatever one wishes to Benazir but it is a fact that she was never excited about the deposed judges and had gone to the extent of advising the deposed judges, mainly implying Justice Ifthikar and Aitzaz Ahsan, that they are welcome to form their own political party if they are so assured of their popularity and public support. The Pakistani newspapers are a proof of these declarations.

 

Unlike Sindh however the movement is popular in the Punjab and in certain districts of the Frontier Province. Balochistan with its small population and preoccupation with militancy and army presence is stuck with a totally different set of problems. We all know about the stance of the MQM regarding the issue and Karachi and Hyderabad are thus neutralized to a large extent on this issue.

 

But the areas where the movement for the restoration of Justice Ifthikar is strong are the very areas where the PPP has been performing quite badly in the recent elections and its stance on this issue hardly makes a difference. Losing a few votes this way or that way would hardly make a difference if the Party is set to lose the elections anyway and the elections are unlikely to take place at least for the next couple of years. Things may change and totally new issues may crop up, giving the Party a chance to recoup its lost support.

 

In the meantime, Mr Zardari may test his Machiavellian skills, opting for a tough and practical view of politics rather than going for a moral or philosophical course of action. `The end justifies the means’ is the name of the game. The end is to have a compliant and amenable superior judiciary and this Mr Zardari has achieved this since the assumption of power by his Party. The judges who assumed their offices under the PCO (Provisional Constitutional Order) of November 2007 are literally at Mr Zardari’s mercy as he can get rid of them  simply by agreeing to restore the deposed judges who had refused to take oath under the PCO, without retaining the PCO judges. In order to keep their jobs, the PCO judges would have to operate within certain perimeters delineated by Mr Zardari.

 

At the same time, however, PPP has never announced its opposition to restoring the deposed judges. As a result, the deposed ones cannot also openly criticize the Party and Mr Zardari, lest it spoils the chances of their getting restored. In other words, both sets of judges are avoiding annoying the PPP and Mr Zardari, and perhaps the only institution that is showing slight restlessness on this issue is a segment of the print and electronic media.

 

Majority of the lawyers no doubt feel strongly about the issue and desire an unconditional restoration of the deposed judiciary. However, except for a small minority, all lawyers have started appearing before the PCO judges which is a strong implied recognition of their legal status. Their orders are being carried out by all branches of the government and the public along with its legal representatives is pleading its cases before these very judges. A plethora of case-law must have developed since November 3 last year and it would not be easy if not impossible to simply dump all these judgements as those given by unconstitutional judiciary.

 

The deposed judges can be said to have sacrificed their careers for this issue but they have a good chance of being eventually restored, and have recently also been paid their salaries. However, the lawyers have suffered an immeasurable loss since March last year. They have been adhering to an hour long strike each day, coupled with one full day of strike. The constant agitation on the streets, coupled with innumerable bar meetings and occasional hunger strikes and general strikes have virtually destroyed the law practice of many trial lawyers. The public has become so weary of litigation that it has stopped opting for law-suits in many cases; few cases are being decided by the judges whether of the lower or higher courts as both the lawyers and judges have become apathetic and lazy towards the final outcome of cases and there is a general state of uncertainty lurking in the air when it comes to the legal profession. This is a long way from the early days of agitation when the whole nation viewed black coat and tie with envy and the legal professionals took pride in their profession.

 

Now one may come across many lawyers wondering in their chambers or bar rooms as to where this whole agitation for the restoration of the judiciary leading to. The jiyalas amongst the lawyers are utterly confused and take refuge in the constitutional package constantly dangled before the nation. Regardless of their personal views, most of the jiyalas now refrain from taking an active part in the agitation. Almost the same analogy applies to the ANP supporters amongst the lawyers.

 

This leaves one with the PML-N and Jamaati Islamic supporters as other political parties hardly count. The PML-N leadership has taken a clear stand on the issue but has now surprisingly agreed to accept PCO judges and an increase in the number of Supreme Court judges from 16 to 29 through an amendment in the Supreme Court (Number of Judges) Act 1997. The Party remains in power in the Punjab but has failed to restore the deposed judges even in the Lahore High Court which falls within its jurisdiction. Many say that the PML-N is also playing a Machiavellian game by advocating restoration of judiciary on the one hand thus thereby pleasing its electorate but at the same time going along with whatever Mr Zardari is saying to save its government in the Punjab which is really its bread and butter at the moment.

 

And the major leaders of the lawyers’ movement privately admit that their agitation would hardly matter now without the PML-N support. In other words, the latter’s support is the last hope for all those who wish to see the deposed judges restored. It is a sad situation as the issue could literally have been resolved in a matter of days if the political will to restore it had been present at all levels. This will is missing and the moral and philosophical dimensions of the whole issue have evaporated in thin air and we are left with the same faces shown in TV talks shows churning out the same arguments again and again. The public has become tired and bored and has started to switch channels!

 

 

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Fatima Bhutto & Cowasjee

 

Fatima Bhutto stands in front of a painting of her grandfather, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

Fatima Bhutto stands in front of a painting of her grandfather, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a former Pakistani prime minister who was executed in 1979.

Newspaper columnist Ardeshir Cowasjee has lived in Karachi all his life.

Newspaper columnist Ardeshir Cowasjee, a Karachi native, often receives visitors while in a bathrobe.

 

 

 
 

 June 3, 2008 · Pakistan’s sprawling city of Karachi is one of the world’s most-populous places, growing and changing at a breakneck pace. Two of its leading citizens — the niece of a former prime minister and a colorful newspaper columnist — offer their views of how this dynamic city has changed.

Both Fatima Bhutto and Ardeshir Cowasjee have found ways to speak out — even in times of military rule and political violence.

“Karachi is a city unlike any other I’ve ever visited,” says Bhutto. “This is a city of immense importance. But it’s also a very sad city because of what’s happened here, because of what continues to happen here.”

She is the niece of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, who was assassinated in December 2007 in the city of Rawalpindi — two months after escaping an attack on her motorcade in Karachi.

A Young Bhutto

Fatima Bhutto, 26, sits in the home office formerly used by her late aunt. Her grandfather, former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, had used the same office until he was hanged in 1979.

One wall of the office features a large painting of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto addressing a crowd. His granddaughter does her shouting in print. She’s a writer, and some of her newspaper columns make clear that she was a vocal opponent of her own aunt’s government.

The reason for that, she says, was a series of killings in Karachi.

Her father, Mir Murtaza Bhutto, died in 1996 during the last year of Benazir Bhutto’s second term in office. He died under mysterious circumstances at the hands of police, Fatima Bhutto says.

“I last spoke to my aunt about that,” she says. “I called her when I found out that the witnesses had been arrested and the police reinstated, and I asked her why that was.”

Fatima Bhutto was 14 at the time. “She told me that I was very young and I didn’t understand the intricacies of the law and it’s not like the movies. We do things differently here. So I don’t feel really that she answered my questions in any way that was meaningful. I wish she had because … these are questions that resurfaced after she was killed.”

Fatima Bhutto is frequently asked if she will follow her famous relatives into public office. She has dismissed the idea so often that the question wasn’t asked during the interview. But perhaps that was a mistake: The local newspaper showed her working a rope line of admirers as her mother talked about placing her in the National Assembly.

The Eccentric Columnist

Ardeshir Cowasjee, 82, is a very different voice in Karachi. He is a columnist for the newspaper Dawn and has been involved in Pakistan’s politics for decades. In the 1970s, he was briefly imprisoned by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

Amid a brilliant green lawn surrounded by trees and a stone wall is the cool, stone house where Cowasjee lives.

He opens the door wearing shorts and a bathrobe, and he invites a producer to remove her scarf and also, if she wanted, her shirt.

Without so much as a hello, the white-bearded man heads straight to the bar.

“Whiskey? Soda?” he asks, pouring himself a glass of orange juice and quinine.

Cowasjee, a native of Karachi, recalls when the city was a very different, much smaller place.

It was “a very nice city,” he says. “There was discipline. There was law and order …. A chap got killed once in two years.”

Born in 1926, he grew up in this port city. His family owned cargo ships, and Cowasjee has paintings of two ships on his wall.

Unlike other non-Muslims, he stayed after Pakistan was formed as an Islamic state. He stayed even after the government nationalized his family’s shipping company.

“Why should I leave my home? Who the hell are you?” he says.

Cowasjee says Karachi is the only place for him.

“I’m 82,” he says. “Where do you want me to end up — in an old people’s home in America?”

In a recent newspaper column, he referred to Pakistan’s founder, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, as “that man of great perception,” then added, “there were no others to follow him.”

People in Karachi take his columns seriously. He’s the kind of writer who’s willing to compare some provincial official to an out-of-touch French king. He’s also become involved in one of Karachi’s central issues: land usage. He has joined lawsuits to stop developers from misusing land. He fights to preserve open space, though he says he wins no more than one time in 10.

For him, the battle began close to home.

“You see the trees in my garden?” Cowasjee asks. “You see the little plot outside my garden? It’s constant war all the time for the last 50 years.”

A strip of land just outside his wall was marked off years ago for development. But Cowasjee planted trees there and has managed to keep it green ever since.

“I’m looking after my own backside,” he says.

Cowasjee gestures into the next room “You see this wall? That’s my library,” he says.

He is looking at a floor-to-ceiling window that shows his lawn, and his trees. His dining room chair is positioned so that he can look out that window whenever he takes his meals alone.

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Has Zardari Changed the PPP Values?

Naeem Sarfraz

Twenty years back a sleepy town in the backwaters of Sind was suddenly awakened to the stunning news that one of its sons had just been named a judge of the High Court, a quantum leap from his modest rural practice to the glittering centre-stage of Karachi.

 The unknown son, Dogar; his mentor, Benazir; the town Khairpur. Benazir is dead, brutally assassinated, leaving behind a severely handicapped mother, three young children and a bitter husband, justifiably full of anger after a decade in jail without ever being convicted. 

The same Mr Dogar is now Chief Justice of Pakistan, appointed to the post under strange circumstances by a hugely discredited Army Chief. Mr Dogar now stands beholden to two persons–the President; and Ms Bhutto’s grieving widower Asif Zardari.
Mr. Zardari has been suddenly propelled into the vacant leadership of the People’s Party.
For the first time in its tumultuous history the PPP is no longer led by a Bhutto. It is like Argentina under the charismatic Juan Peron. When he died a nation in mourning elected his grieving widow President. After her term the leadership went away from his family. His party continues to thrive. Even today they hold the Presidency, but without anyone from his family–the Peronistas without the Perons.

Something similar is happening in Pakistan. After ZAB Nusrat Bhutto led the party and then came Benazir. But today no Bhutto descended from Zulfiquar Ali leads the party. In fact reportedly not a single one of them is even a member of the People’s Party. They have completely disappeared from the PPP, leaving behind a glorious legacy of charisma, courage and popular leadership.

Their team of dedicated loyalists stands totally sidelined. Amin Fahmi, Aitzaz Ahsan, Taj Jamali, Yusuf Talpur, Naheed Khan, Safdar Abassi, Envar Baig, Raza Rabbani. A new Zardari team, mostly unelected, all unelectable, far removed from the public is running the country —— Salman Farooqi, Hussain Haqqani, Rehman Malik, Mahmood Durrani, Farooq Naek, now even Zia Ispahani.

Along with faces, their policies and values have also changed. They could have ousted the dictator, as demanded by the public. Instead they have effectively become his B-team. They could have fulfilled the demand of the people to restore the courageous Chief Justice and judges jailed by the dictator. Instead they are the sole hurdle to the restoration of these judges.

Once called the “Qatil League” by Asif Zardari the ‘Q’ Quislings are fast emerging as a potential indispensable ally, without whose partnership the funky constitutional package of Farooq Naek is a non – starter.

In America they have the neo-cons. In Pakistan we have the “neo-pipilyas”. They are far removed from the ideals, the lives and deaths, of Zulfiquar and Benazir Bhutto. Under pressure from the old jiyalas these “neo-pipilya” policies of appeasement with dictatorship will surely be reversed. Already Mr. Zardari is distancing himself from the President, under pressure from the old jiyalas. Today the PPP leadership vacuum is filled by the Zardaris. Tomorrow it could be anyone else—the Hala Makhdooms, the Talpurs, the Aitzaz Ahsans, the Sardar Assefs, the Multan Gardezis or Quraishis, anyone who wins the minds, the hearts, the love of PPP workers thirsting for leadership.

Now back to Mr. Dogar, for whom it is payback time. For his main benefactor (Mr. Musharraf) he has legalized all the illegalities of the 3rd of November, which Musharraf
himself acknowledges to be unconstitutional. And for Mr. Zardari the Dogar court has opened all doors by striking down the BA Degree eligibility clause.

Without a BA Degree Mr. Zardari could not get elected to Parliament. Now he can get elected and become Prime Minister. But he has obviously chosen a different path. He is not a candidate for the forthcoming by-elections. So he can not be PM.

But one job within his easy grasp is President. No matter what the obnoxious American deal, Mr. Musharraf will surely go, sooner rather than later. The Presidency will be up for grabs. Mr. Zardari can never forget that Benazir appointed Farooq Laghari President, as she believed him to be totally loyal. Instead, he booted her out and threw Zardari into jail, where he languished for the next ten years.

 To meet popular demands he could even give up 58(2)b and the power to appoint governors, service chiefs, judges etc, abolish the NSC and increase the powers of the Prime Minister. It hardly matters, as the Cabinet are his nominee, over whom he already commands full authority. He can appoint or replace anyone he chooses to, with or without 58(2)b.

 He is fully aware that Prime Ministers are often thrown out by
Presidents– a la Farooq Laghari, Ghulam Ishaq, Ziaulhaq, et al. But Presidents are seldom kicked out by Prime Ministers. So why should he name someone else for the post.

The future of Pakistan is being shaped by a host of historic events of the last one year—-. The 9th of March; the lawyers movement;  the Charter of Democracy; the 20th of July; the shedding of a uniform; Nawaz Sharif’s return; Benazir’s death; the 3rd of November; the odious American-brokered ‘deal’, The Murree Accord; general elections. On the military front the Army’s defeats; Swat, FATA and Lal Masjid; the slaughter of Bugti; US military operations inside Pakistan. For the common man growing economic woes; political uncertainty; an atmosphere of gloom and doom; and sky rocketing prices, including sugar, atta, electricity and fuel.

The list is endless. Who will win, who will lose is impossible to predict. Will the country sink or swim one cannot tell. Is another 50(2) b slaughter on the anvil? There is much talk, though it is highly unlikely. Mr. Zardari faces immense challenges, not least of which are the pressures of the war on terror. His government is standing up well to the US so far. His public support in eroding. But he still has enough goodwill amongst the masses to take courageous decisions for change.

Within a couple of weeks judges may or may not be restored. But some things are now clear. Sooner or later there will be a new President. Kayani has opted out. So the new man may well be Zardari. There is no other viable candidate.

As for the PPP, for years to come there will be no Bhutto leading the Party. Today it is a Zardari. In future it could be someone else, a non-Bhutto, and a non-Zardari. The PPP is in for a very rough ride.

naeemsarfraz@hotmail.com

 

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Harry Potter: The Fringe Benefits of Failure, & the Importance of Imagination

Harvard University Commencement Address

by J.K. Rowling

President Faust, members of the Harvard Corporation and the Board of Overseers, members of the faculty, proud parents, and, above all, graduates. The first thing I would like to say is ‘thank you.’ Not only has Harvard given me an extraordinary honour, but the weeks of fear and nausea I’ve experienced at the thought of giving this commencement address have made me lose weight. A win-win situation! Now all I have to do is take deep breaths, squint at the red banners and fool myself into believing I am at the world’s best-educated Harry Potter convention.

Delivering a commencement address is a great responsibility; or so I thought until I cast my mind back to my own graduation. The commencement speaker that day was the distinguished British philosopher Baroness Mary Warnock. Reflecting on her speech has helped me enormously in writing this one, because it turns out that I can’t remember a single word she said. This liberating discovery enables me to proceed without any fear that I might inadvertently influence you to abandon promising careers in business, law or politics for the giddy delights of becoming a gay wizard.

You see? If all you remember in years to come is the ‘gay wizard’ joke, I’ve still come out ahead of Baroness Mary Warnock. Achievable goals: the first step towards personal improvement.

Actually, I have wracked my mind and heart for what I ought to say to you today. I have asked myself what I wish I had known at my own graduation, and what important lessons I have learned in the 21 years that has expired between that day and this.

I have come up with two answers. On this wonderful day when we are gathered together to celebrate your academic success, I have decided to talk to you about the benefits of failure. And as you stand on the threshold of what is sometimes called ‘real life’, I want to extol the crucial importance of imagination. These might seem quixotic or paradoxical choices, but please bear with me.
Looking back at the 21-year-old that I was at graduation, is a slightly uncomfortable experience for the 42-year-old that she has become. Half my lifetime ago, I was striking an uneasy balance between the ambition I had for myself, and what those closest to me expected of me.

I was convinced that the only thing I wanted to do, ever, was to write novels. However, my parents, both of whom came from impoverished backgrounds and neither of whom had been to college, took the view that my overactive imagination was an amusing personal quirk that could never pay a mortgage, or secure a pension.

They had hoped that I would take a vocational degree; I wanted to study English Literature. A compromise was reached that in retrospect satisfied nobody, and I went up to study Modern Languages. Hardly had my parents’ car rounded the corner at the end of the road than I ditched German and scuttled off down the Classics corridor.

I cannot remember telling my parents that I was studying Classics; they might well have found out for the first time on graduation day. Of all subjects on this planet, I think they would have been hard put to name one less useful than Greek mythology when it came to securing the keys to an executive bathroom.

I would like to make it clear, in parenthesis, that I do not blame my parents for their point of view. There is an expiry date on blaming your parents for steering you in the wrong direction; the moment you are old enough to take the wheel, responsibility lies with you. What is more, I cannot criticise my parents for hoping that I would never experience poverty. They had been poor themselves, and I have since been poor, and I quite agree with them that it is not an ennobling experience. Poverty entails fear, and stress, and sometimes depression; it means a thousand petty humiliations and hardships. Climbing out of poverty by your own efforts, that is indeed something on which to pride yourself, but poverty itself is romanticised only by fools.

What I feared most for myself at your age was not poverty, but failure. At your age, in spite of a distinct lack of motivation at university, where I had spent far too long in the coffee bar writing stories, and far too little time at lectures, I had a knack for passing examinations, and that, for years, had been the measure of success in my life and that of my peers.

I am not dull enough to suppose that because you are young, gifted and well-educated, you have never known hardship or heartbreak. Talent and intelligence never yet inoculated anyone against the caprice of the Fates, and I do not for a moment suppose that everyone here has enjoyed an existence of unruffled privilege and contentment.

However, the fact that you are graduating from Harvard suggests that you are not very well-acquainted with failure. You might be driven by a fear of failure quite as much as a desire for success. Indeed, your conception of failure might not be too far from the average person’s idea of success, so high have you already flown academically.

Ultimately, we all have to decide for ourselves what constitutes failure, but the world is quite eager to give you a set of criteria if you let it. So I think it fair to say that by any conventional measure, a mere seven years after my graduation day, I had failed on an epic scale. An exceptionally short-lived marriage had imploded, and I was jobless, a lone parent, and as poor as it is possible to be in modern Britain, without being homeless. The fears my parents had had for me, and that I had had for myself, had both come to pass, and by every usual standard, I was the biggest failure I knew.

Now, I am not going to stand here and tell you that failure is fun. That period of my life was a dark one, and I had no idea that there was going to be what the press has since represented as a kind of fairy tale resolution. I had no idea how far the tunnel extended, and for a long time, any light at the end of it was a hope rather than a reality.

So why do I talk about the benefits of failure? Simply because failure meant a stripping away of the inessential. I stopped pretending to myself that I was anything other than what I was, and began to direct all my energy into finishing the only work that mattered to me. Had I really succeeded at anything else, I might never have found the determination to succeed in the one arena I believed I truly belonged. I was set free, because my greatest fear had already been realised, and I was still alive, and I still had a daughter whom I adored, and I had an old typewriter and a big idea. And so rock bottom became the solid foundation on which I rebuilt my life.

You might never fail on the scale I did, but some failure in life is inevitable. It is impossible to live without failing at something, unless you live so cautiously that you might as well not have lived at all – in which case, you fail by default.

Failure gave me an inner security that I had never attained by passing examinations. Failure taught me things about myself that I could have learned no other way. I discovered that I had a strong will, and more discipline than I had suspected; I also found out that I had friends whose value was truly above rubies.

The knowledge that you have emerged wiser and stronger from setbacks means that you are, ever after, secure in your ability to survive. You will never truly know yourself, or the strength of your relationships, until both have been tested by adversity. Such knowledge is a true gift, for all that it is painfully won, and it has been worth more to me than any qualification I ever earned.

Given a time machine or a Time Turner, I would tell my 21-year-old self that personal happiness lies in knowing that life is not a check-list of acquisition or achievement. Your qualifications, your CV, are not your life, though you will meet many people of my age and older who confuse the two. Life is difficult, and complicated, and beyond anyone’s total control, and the humility to know that will enable you to survive its vicissitudes.

You might think that I chose my second theme, the importance of imagination, because of the part it played in rebuilding my life, but that is not wholly so. Though I will defend the value of bedtime stories to my last gasp, I have learned to value imagination in a much broader sense.

Imagination is not only the uniquely human capacity to envision that which is not, and therefore the fount of all invention and innovation. In its arguably most transformative and revelatory capacity, it is the power that enables us to empathise with humans whose experiences we have never shared.

One of the greatest formative experiences of my life preceded Harry Potter, though it informed much of what I subsequently wrote in those books. This revelation came in the form of one of my earliest day jobs. Though I was sloping off to write stories during my lunch hours, I paid the rent in my early 20s by working in the research department at Amnesty International’s headquarters in London.

There in my little office I read hastily scribbled letters smuggled out of totalitarian regimes by men and women who were risking imprisonment to inform the outside world of what was happening to them. I saw photographs of those who had disappeared without trace, sent to Amnesty by their desperate families and friends. I read the testimony of torture victims and saw pictures of their injuries. I opened handwritten, eye-witness accounts of summary trials and executions, of kidnappings and rapes.

Many of my co-workers were ex-political prisoners, people who had been displaced from their homes, or fled into exile, because they had the temerity to think independently of their government. Visitors to our office included those who had come to give information, or to try and find out what had happened to those they had been forced to leave behind.

I shall never forget the African torture victim, a young man no older than I was at the time, who had become mentally ill after all he had endured in his homeland. He trembled uncontrollably as he spoke into a video camera about the brutality inflicted upon him. He was a foot taller than I was, and seemed as fragile as a child. I was given the job of escorting him to the Underground Station afterwards, and this man whose life had been shattered by cruelty took my hand with exquisite courtesy, and wished me future happiness.

And as long as I live I shall remember walking along an empty corridor and suddenly hearing, from behind a closed door, a scream of pain and horror such as I have never heard since. The door opened, and the researcher poked out her head and told me to run and make a hot drink for the young man sitting with her. She had just given him the news that in retaliation for his own outspokenness against his country’s regime, his mother had been seized and executed.

Every day of my working week in my early 20s I was reminded how incredibly fortunate I was, to live in a country with a democratically elected government, where legal representation and a public trial were the rights of everyone.

Every day, I saw more evidence about the evils humankind will inflict on their fellow humans, to gain or maintain power. I began to have nightmares, literal nightmares, about some of the things I saw, heard and read. And yet I also learned more about human goodness at Amnesty International than I had ever known before.

Amnesty mobilises thousands of people who have never been tortured or imprisoned for their beliefs to act on behalf of those who have. The power of human empathy, leading to collective action, saves lives, and frees prisoners. Ordinary people, whose personal well-being and security are assured, join together in huge numbers to save people they do not know, and will never meet. My small participation in that process was one of the most humbling and inspiring experiences of my life.

Unlike any other creature on this planet, humans can learn and understand, without having experienced. They can think themselves into other people’s minds, imagine themselves into other people’s places.

Of course, this is a power, like my brand of fictional magic, that is morally neutral. One might use such an ability to manipulate, or control, just as much as to understand or sympathise.

And many prefer not to exercise their imaginations at all. They choose to remain comfortably within the bounds of their own experience, never troubling to wonder how it would feel to have been born other than they are. They can refuse to hear screams or to peer inside cages; they can close their minds and hearts to any suffering that does not touch them personally; they can refuse to know.

I might be tempted to envy people who can live that way, except that I do not think they have any fewer nightmares than I do. Choosing to live in narrow spaces can lead to a form of mental agoraphobia, and that brings its own terrors. I think the wilfully unimaginative see more monsters. They are often more afraid.

What is more, those who choose not to empathise may enable real monsters. For without ever committing an act of outright evil ourselves, we collude with it, through our own apathy.

One of the many things I learned at the end of that Classics corridor down which I ventured at the age of 18, in search of something I could not then define, was this, written by the Greek author Plutarch: What we achieve inwardly will change outer reality.

That is an astonishing statement and yet proven a thousand times every day of our lives. It expresses, in part, our inescapable connection with the outside world, the fact that we touch other people’s lives simply by existing. But how much more are you, Harvard graduates of 2008, likely to touch other people’s lives? Your intelligence, your capacity for hard work, the education you have earned and received, give you unique status, and unique responsibilities. Even your nationality sets you apart. The great majority of you belong to the world’s only remaining superpower. The way you vote, the way you live, the way you protest, the pressure you bring to bear on your government, has an impact way beyond your borders. That is your privilege, and your burden.

If you choose to use your status and influence to raise your voice on behalf of those who have no voice; if you choose to identify not only with the powerful, but with the powerless; if you retain the ability to imagine yourself into the lives of those who do not have your advantages, then it will not only be your proud families who celebrate your existence, but thousands and millions of people whose reality you have helped transform for the better.

We do not need magic to change the world, we carry all the power we need inside ourselves already: we have the power to imagine better.

I am nearly finished. I have one last hope for you, which is something that I already had at 21. The friends with whom I sat on graduation day have been my friends for life. They are my children’s godparents, the people to whom I’ve been able to turn in times of trouble, friends who have been kind enough not to sue me when I’ve used their names for Death Eaters. At our graduation we were bound by enormous affection, by our shared experience of a time that could never come again, and, of course, by the knowledge that we held certain photographic evidence that would be exceptionally valuable if any of us ran for Prime Minister.

So today, I can wish you nothing better than similar friendships. And tomorrow, I hope that even if you remember not a single word of mine, you remember those of Seneca, another of those old Romans I met when I fled down the Classics corridor, in retreat from career ladders, in search of ancient wisdom:

As is a tale, so is life: not how long it is, but how good it is, is what matters.

 

 

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Dubai Asks Geo to Stop Transmission

A representative of Geo Television has reported that due to immense pressure from President Musharraf and the Pakistani authorities the Dubai authorities, in an apologetic manner, has communicated to Geo Television that the channel should stop two popular talk shows, the “Capital Talk” and “Meraya Mutabiq”. Mr. Imran Asalm, the president of the channel, told Reporters Without Borders, that the Dubai authorities informed him last night that the station would lose its license if  “Capital Talk,” a show hosted by Hamid Mir, and  “Meray Mutabiq”, hosted by Shahid Masood, were not taken off the air.

Of all the independent broadcasters, Geo Television has suffered the most from the autocratic rule of President Musharraf and during the lawyer’s movement Geo was the first television channel which was attacked by the police on March 16, 2007, within just five days of the suspension of the Chief Justice, Iftekhar Choudhry. The studios were smashed even in the presence of then minister of information. The police also conducted surveillance on a lady reporter of the channel who was covering the demonstrations of lawyers. Since the start of the lawyer’s movement, from March 09, 2007, the channel was under strong pressure and threats from the government and this is now the second time that the UAE has blocked Geo programming. On November 17, 2007, the broadcaster’s Dubai office was shut down by a phone call from the UAE government under pressure from Pakistan, which was at that time under emergency rule imposed by President Musharraf. The channel remained off the air for almost six months.

Officials at the Dubai Media City, where the Geo TV group is based, said these programmes threatened the UAE’s relations with a friendly country. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) also expressed grave concern on the dropping of two popular talk shows at the request of the government of the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

In the age of freedom of media the use of  “brotherly relation ship between the countries” is a new system to curb the freedom of media.

ADDITIONAL INFORMATION:

Since the suspension of the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Mr. Iftekhar Choudhary on March 9, the Pakistan government has opened yet another front in the hopes of exercising damage control in an attack on television stations that have been airing open discussions on the latest developments with regard to the political situation and also the judicial crisis.

For example, the police forces attacked the office of the Geo TV at Islamabad and destroyed the broadcasting equipment on 16 March 2007. Moreover, the Geo TV program “Kamran Khan Kay Sath” was banned for four days based on the instruction of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting.
Another TV channel, the AAJ, had received a Show Cause Notice issued by the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (Sindh Region) (PEMRA). For details of this matter, please see also the AHRC statement AS-086-2007 issued on 25 April 2007. The AAJ TV Station had been further attacked by armed groups of a ruling party for about 6 hours on 12 May 2007. This channel is under continuous pressure from the government even to-date. On several occasions the transmissions of the AAJ had been intercepted by the government. Another popular TV channel, ARY One, has also been receiving tremendous pressure from the government.
 
Meanwhile, on 30 May 2007, President Musharraf has warned the media not to broadcast programs against the government’s armed forces and about the judicial crisis. He announced that he would take stern action against those channels which are taking ‘advantage’ out of the judicial crisis in the country. In his address in a press conference on May 31, the Federal Minister of Information and Broadcasting announced that his ministry had the intention to merge PEMRA, an autonomous central government body, into the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. This will result in even stricter censorship by the government over the media in t! he count ry. The Minister further said that the media should not be allowed to misuse the freedom given ‘by the government’. On June 5, President Musharraf has further issued an ordinance which has handed unprecedented powers to the PEMRA, allowing it to seize the broadcast or distribution service equipment of television and radio channels and suspend their licenses (For details, see also AS-113-2007. Please also see: UA-178-2007.


SUGGESTED ACTION:
Please immediately write letters to the authorities in Dubai and Pakistan to show your concerns about the orders from the government Dubai on the request from Pakistani authorities to stop the transmissions of Geo Television from Dubai and demand to lift the threats of closure from the most popular channel of the Pakistan.

The AHRC has also written a letter to the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression for his intervention.

To support this appeal, please click here:

Sample letter:

Dear _________

UNITED ARAB EMIRATES/PAKISTAN: A Pakistani television channel asked to stop its transmissions

I am writing to voice my concern of the instructions of the government of Dubai to Geo Television to cease broadcasts of two talk shows because they may offend the Pakistan regime of President Musharraf. The instructions from the government of Dubai came after requests by the Pakistan government in the name of ‘brotherly relationships’.

The apparent reason for this censorship of these programmes is the coverage of the Pakistan Lawyer’s movement which is currently on a long march to have the chief justice, Mr. Iftehkar Chaudry and the dismissed judges reinstated. This was a campaign promise of the newly elected government and is already long overdue. The lawyers are therefore marching to bring the attention of the country and the world to this matter. It is because of this very reason that the government of President Musharraf wishes to silence Geo Television.

Repression of the media is not new in Pakistan and during last year several other television stations were either attacked by armed gangs or forced off the air. I ask for your urgent intervention with the government of Dubai to cease their actions against Geo Television and to allow them to continue broadcasting these talk shows.

I request you not to stop the transmission and let the channel know how and when it had violated the rules and regulations of Dubai in its telecasts for the last many years. In my concern any such action by the Dubai authorities will cause serious unwarranted damage not only to the channel but also to the freedom of media all of the world. I also urge upon the governments of Pakistan and the UAE to explain how the Geo News that broadcasts by satellite from Dubai, was under threat of losing its license to operate in Dubai.

In the end I request the UAE Government to step back from its interference in independent and critical programming, which are essential components of a free media and open society anywhere in the world.


Yours sincerely,

————-
PLEASE SEND YOUR LETTERS TO:

1. General Pervez Musharraf
President
President’s Secretariat
Islamabad
PAKISTAN
Fax: +92 51 922 1422, 4768/ 920 1893 or 1835
E-mail: (please see-> http://www.presidentofpakistan.gov.pk/WTPresidentMessage.aspx)

2. Mr. Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum
Vice President and Prime Minister
Dubai
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (UAE)
Tel: +2 626 5000
Fax: +2 621 5333
Email: webmaster@sheikhmohammed.ae

3. Mr. Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani
Prime minister of Pakistan
Prime Minister House, Islamabad,
Pakistan
Fax:  +92 51 9221596
Tel. No:  +92 51 9206111
Email: webmaster@infopak.gov.pk

4. Ms. Sherry Rehman
Minister of Information and Broadcastings
Pakistan Secretariat, Islamabad,
PAKISTAN
Fax: +92 51-9203740
Email: infominister@pak.gov.pk

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Evangelists Get a Quarter Billion Dollars for Soul Harvesing

 


The Believers Church of Kerala has come under the scanner for having received a whopping 1044 crore of Rupees (about 250 million US dollars) in the last 18 years from abroad. The state government wants the Center to investigate the source of these funds.

Authoritative sources have informed that the LDF government in the state is planning to request the Central government to get these remittances investigated properly. The Church is headed by K. P. Yohannan. Believers Church is a Christian evangelical body that is situated in Thimbala in the Pathanamathitta district. This Church was also in the news recently
for irregularities in the purchase of a plot of land worth Rs 135
crores. According to one state government official, the church had violated rules regarding land use in the acquisition.

The state home minister has said that the Central government should get the dealings of this church investigate because of the involvement of massive foreign funds. The Believers Church has denied all allegations of wrong-doing. The church officials say they are filing their accounts properly with the state and central governments. The head of the Believers Church Bishop Simon John has said that the Church has got permission from the central government for accepting and using foreign funds.

According to official government figures, about two billion dollars are arriving into India every year from Western and Islamic countries to finance the running of churches, mosques and NGOs. About 80 percent of the total foreign funding from Christian agencies is being earmarked for the states of Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu alone.

What is the game? Why only these two states? These two states single-handedly were responsible for the fall of the NDA government in the last elections. BJP individually did not do too badly for itself in the last general elections, but its allies in these two states were beaten badly and the NDA lost. 
 
Reverend D’souza
catholicunion@eml.cc

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Goodbye Shahzadi by Shyam Bhatia

May 23, 2008

We are forever moaning about corruption in our country — we are amongst the 10 most corrupt nations of the world. But we can find solace in the fact that things are much worse in our chief rival and closest neighbour Pakistan. Also, we are slowly getting the better of it; our friends across the border are heading for the worse. There is also a significant difference between the patterns of corruption in the two countries. In India, the creamy layer of the government, judiciary and the civil services is comparatively clean. It becomes murky in the middle; it is rampant in the lower ranks of the services. In Pakistan, it is the other way round. The top layer is massively corrupt, the middle and lower layers are less corrupt. Also, they have more corruption-related violence than we have. We indulge in character assassination; they dispense with niceties like characters and get down to assassination.

I came to these grim conclusions after reading Shyam Bhatia’s Goodbye Shahzadi (Roli). Though ostensibly “a political biography of Benazir Bhutto”, it gives a vivid description of the state of affairs during the regimes of her father Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, General Zia-ul Haq, President and ex-General Pervez Musharraf etc. It is a gripping tale which reads like a detective thriller. Shyam Bhatia has writing in his blood (he is the son of Prem Bhatia). He has been foreign correspondent of The Observer (London) and is editor of Asian Affairs. Though based in London, he travels frequently to the Middle East (he speaks Arabic).

Bhatia met up with Benazir when he was up in Oxford. She had come from Harvard to earn yet another degree at Oxford. At the time, she was a plain Jane; her ambition, nurtured by her father, was to get into the Pakistan Foreign Service and marry an eligible Pakistani. There were a few in college at her time, including cricketer Imran Khan. Benazir blossomed into a handsome woman, like her father became a rabble-rouser, and, after her father’s execution, the spokesperson of Pakistan People’s Party, the most popular political set up in the country.

Benazir was full of contradictions. When in the US or in Europe, she was a mod girl wearing jeans and enjoying a glass of wine with her meals. When in Pakistan, she wore salwar kameez and covered her head with a dupatta. An open-minded liberal democrat to the world, she was a haughty aristocrat in Sindh, rude to her staff — throwing ashtrays at her servants when she lost her temper. She agreed to an arranged marriage with Asif Zardari, a half-baked moustachioed son of a cinema producer. During his wife’s two tenures as Prime Minister, he amassed a vast fortune in real estate in England, USA and Swiss banks. He came to be known as “Mister 10 percent”. Benazir, who did not get on with any member of her family, her mother Nusrat and her brothers Murtaza and Shah Nawaz (both were murdered), nor do their wives and children get on  very well with her husband, condoned all his misdeeds. She made many enemies, among them President Musharraf and Nawaz Sharif (no paradigm of virtue). The mullah elements never accepted the idea of a woman being head of the state. The masses loved cheering her, voting for her but could not reconcile themselves being ruled by her. Her assassination did not come as a surprise.

There are many sordid details revealed by Shyam Bhatia for the first time. I give three examples. After Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was hanged, his trousers were pulled down to photograph his genitals to see if he had been circumcised. This was done for possible evidence that he was not a proper Muslim, being the son of Hindu prostitute. The scientist A.Q. Khan who stole data from Holland and Canada to put together Pakistan’s atom bomb sold the know-how to Libya and Iran for huge sums of money and a villa on the Caspian. He confessed to his crimes. When Bhatia put this in one of his columns, Khan replied addressing him as a

“Hindu bastard”. Benazir herself carried formulas prepared by Khan in her pocket to hand over to the North Koreans in exchange for missile technology. With leaders such as these, what hope is there of Pakistan becoming a prosperous and peace-loving state?

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Charge Sheet Against Musharraf

1. Gen. Pervez Musharraf imposed Martial Law in the country twice, subverted the Constitution and violated the oath taken by him as Army chief. He kept the elected PM behind bars in the Attock Fort, detained
judges of the superior courts with their family members and imposed dictatorship at gunpoint.

2. He planned and undertook the Kargil misadventure, concealing it
from the elected government, sacrificing some 800 officers and men of the Army in the process.

3. He used Pakistan Army as his personal force, tried to corrupt it
and gave promotion to his blue-eyed officers. He used the Army for
different unconstitutional and illegal actions meant to prolong his
rule, badly affecting the credibility of the national institution.

4. He pushed the Army into an undeclared war against its own people
without seeking approval from the Prime Minister, Cabinet and
Parliament, which has so far resulted in the killing of over 1,000
Armymen. Suicide bombings in reaction have also claimed lives of a
large number of Pakistanis.

5. He blackmailed and subjected different people to torture and abuse,
using the National Accountability Bureau [NAB] to form a PML-Q
political party.

6. He got Nawab Akbar Bugti killed in cold blood to implement the
threat he had earlier hurled on him and congratulated the people
involved in the killing after the act.

7. Thousands of Baloch political workers were made victims of enforced
disappearance, with their family members still unaware of their
whereabouts. Various Baloch leaders, including Akhtar Mengal, were
implicated in false cases and jailed.

8. The Lal Masjid was attacked on the pressure of external powers, resulting in the death of hundreds of innocent boys and girls.

9. Over 650 of the [Pakistani and Afghan] people illegally picked up
from different parts of the country were handed over to the United
States in return for dollars. This he admitted in his book.

10. He set new examples of cronyism, nepotism, corruption and
favouritism. During his eight years in power, Gen. Musharraf made
billions of rupees as his close associates got massive contracts from
NHA, OGDC, PIA, besides earning billions of rupees in defence deals.

Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan said these are not mere allegations, but
substantial evidence is available which would be presented in
Parliament during impeachment proceedings.

He opposed the idea of giving a safe exit to Musharraf and said it was
a fit case for trial under Article 6 of the Constitution. He said the
reconciliation offer by Musharraf at this stage is meaningless as it
would be a folly to give more time to an unreliable and controversial
person.

He said the PML-N would formally demand formation of a commission on the Kargil episode during the budget session so that those responsible for the misadventure could be brought to book.

He rejected claim by Musharraf that he had not lobbied to become Army
chief, but did not give details.

However, answering a question, he said he was amongst those who had
supported Musharraf at that time. He said the final decision was taken
by the then PM on the basis of records provided by the
Inter Services Intelligence [ISI] and the Military Intelligence [MI].

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Pakistanis Acquiring Properties Abroad

 I was invited for a dinner by my colleague who is a British born Pakistani. An Indian Muslim doctor was also a guest. As per usual the conversation trickled towards what was happening in Pakistan. The Indian doctor said something which made me feel very little. He said:

“When the leaders of a country start buying properties outside the country and their children get educated and stay abroad then the people of the country should know that there is something seriously wrong with the country which the leaders know but are not telling the people of the country.”

He continued, “In India, it is unheard of that even the most corrupt leader has acquired any property abroad.
Even mega stars like Amitabh and Shah Rukh Khan, sportsmen like Gavasker and Dhoni, singers like Lata and Asha do not any have properties or businesses outside India. You, Pakistanis, should really and seriously start asking your leadership – WHAT IS IT ABOUT PAKISTAN THAT THEY KNOW AND YOU, THE PEOPLE, DON`T? Why do they live abroad while doing politics in Pakistan? “

 While he was saying this, I was thinking of Zardari coming to meet Nawaz in his hotel in Dubai driving his Rolls Royce deciding the fate of 170 million Pakistanis and then planning to fly to London to meet another Pakistani leader living in London and leading the most literate Pakistanis from there. Most of the children of these people including
 the President of Pakistan live in Europe, USA and Dubai with properties across the globe……. ..

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