Why Did Manmohan Agree to include Balochistan in the Joint Statement at Sharmel Sheikh?

After electorally vanquishing the opposition in the 2009 Elections, which had been scathingly critical of the Indo-American nuclear agreement, Manmohan finds yet another foreign policy issue casting a looming shadow over his government. Barely two months into his second term, the prime minister is being pilloried by the opposition for the joint statement he and his Pakistani counterpart Gilani signed in late July at Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt. India was seen to have granted two important concessions: the joint statement delinked the Indo-Pak composite dialogue from action on terror by Islamabad; and it included Pakistan’s worries about Balochistan, unwittingly conveying the impression that New Delhi was fomenting trouble in that troubled Pakistani province.

To this hackneyed Indo-Pak tale there was an American twist. That the joint statement was signed a day before US secretary of state Hillary Clinton arrived in India provoked the opposition into seeing an American hand in New Delhi’s reversal of its Pakistan policy. For months post-26/11, India had been demanding that Pakistan punish the Mumbai mastermind and dismantle the terror infrastructure before the stalled composite dialogue could be resumed. This policy reversal, and the B-word in the joint statement, triggered cries of a sellout, of the UPA dancing to America’s tune and compromising the national interest. Even Indo-US agreements hammered out during Hillary’s visit came under scrutiny.

Pakistan wanted to introduce the words “threats from India in Balochistan”; the Indian delegates successfully warded off that proposal. The joint statement, instead, stated: “Prime Minister Gilani mentioned that Pakistan has some information on threats in Balochistan and other areas.” But this has many in the foreign policy establishment in Delhi quite worried. Some saw it as a serious error as it would give Pakistan a chance to mention Indian involvement in Balochistan. They saw it as giving Pakistan an opportunity to put India on the defensive by accusing it of being a sponsor of terror, in line with its obsession with achieving parity with India in every respect. This worry was proved prescient. Within days of the joint statement, the Pakistani media started claiming that Gilani handed over a dossier to Manmohan listing India’s involvement in Balochistan and the terrorist attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore in early 2009.

Indian officials, however, denied having received any dossier from Pakistan, though they do acknowledge that the two leaders did discuss the issue. It remains a mystery whether or not Gilani had shared any “evidence” with Manmohan. A close aide of the PM says that the decision to include Balochistan in the joint statement showed that India was confident that its hands were clean. Others say India agreed to include Balochistan, where a decades-long secessionist movement has gathered fresh momentum since 2004, in order to deter Pakistan from “internationalising” Kashmir in future. This spin, though, is rejected by Pakistan-watchers, who feel Islamabad’s only motive is to internationalise the “Indian involvement” in Balochistan—and consequently neutralise India’s charge of Pakistan fomenting terrorism in Kashmir and elsewhere.

So why did Manmohan make this huge concession to Pakistan? Some say it was aimed at ensuring that Pakistan takes action against the masterminds of Mumbai 26/11. But others feel it was done to keep the Americans happy. When Manmohan snubbed Pakistani President Zardari in Russia, his undiplomatic act earned the displeasure of Americans and roiled public opinion in Pakistan. This was why, sources say, before arriving in Egypt, Manmohan clarified through the media that his intention wasn’t to hurt Zardari. The joint statement was aimed to soften Pakistan and simultaneously appease the Americans.

Why should India keep the Americans happy? It’s now quite evident that New Delhi’s strategy of countering terror emanating from Pakistan depends crucially on American assistance. India barely has the leverage to make Pakistan fall in line. It consequently depends on the Americans to put pressure on Pakistan and make it take action against terrorists operating from its soil. And America is willing to play ball because it fears that renewed tension between India and Pakistan would distract Islamabad from the war against terror in Afghanistan, thereby undermining its plan to stabilise Afghanistan and withdraw from there as soon as possible.

America’s Afghanistan plan has consequently prompted the Obama administration to play a balancing act between India and Pakistan. Aware that the Indians would come to the negotiating table with Pakistan only if Islamabad showed some action against the Mumbai masterminds, the American agencies shared information with the Indians. They said that though it was difficult to link Lashkar-e-Toiba founder Hafiz Saeed to the Mumbai terror attack, the involvement of other Lashkar leaders like Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi, Zarar Shah and others could be established—and Islamabad could act against them. This American assurance was affirmed through the dossier Pakistan handed India before the meeting in Egypt. For the first time, Islamabad officially accepted LeT’s role in the Mumbai attack, prompting India to come to the negotiating table.

In the outcry against the statement, Pakistan’s categorical assurance of taking urgent action against the Mumbai masterminds was forgotten. It was in this backdrop that Hillary arrived in India. Even as America nudged India and Pakistan to the negotiating table, her visit was aimed at assuring New Delhi that Indo-US relations would continue to grow under Barack Obama, just as it had under George Bush. Her discussion of issues, both bilateral and global, with the Indian leaders was an attempt to offer a Washington perception of India as a future power, irrespective of the trajectory Indo-Pak relations take. Hillary made it clear that bilateral relations were now based on five crucial pillars—strategic cooperation (on issues like non-proliferation, counterterrorism and defence); energy & climate change; education & development; trade & agriculture; and science & technology. She also managed to hammer out a technology safeguards agreement and an end-user monitoring arrangement (EUMA) with India.

Both have provoked opposition talk of a sellout and that inspections under these agreements could compromise national interest. But officials say such agreements are insisted upon even by Russia; India too seeks such an agreement while supplying sensitive technology to other countries. The US is actually trying to broadbase its relationship with India and demilitarise the ties from what they had become under the Bush presidency. Hillary stated that Indo-US relations have now moved on to a higher level. India always faces this dilemma about its relations with the US. The relationship brings in many benefits, but there is always a price tag attached to it. But the fear over loss of sovereignty is all hype. The past shows that even at its weakest moment—in the years following independence and after India lost the 1962 war—the Indian leadership had never succumbed to pressure and compromised on national interest. The US cannot extract things out of India that are against national interest.

32 Brigadiers Retired in the ISI

According to Muhammad Saleh Zaafir, the ISI is being restructured.

The effort that is already underway would bring energetic and more dedicated personnel into the fold of the agency who could live up to the challenges of the modern age.

As part of the endeavour 32 officers of brigadier and colonel ranks have been retired from the ISI and it is expected that other officers who have not proved their utility would be shown the door further down the line in the months to come. The outfit is also being trimmed in the manner the Army was restructured three years ago without compromising its skill to defend the motherland.

According to Saleh Zafar, the ISI was expanded in recent years out of proportion, especially the officers who on the verge of superannuation joined the agency and subsequently secured agreement to continue with it. The practice expanded the agency in terms of number without enhancing its tangible capacity. Keeping in view the situation, various departments of the agency were asked to offer their comments about the working of the officers who had attained the superannuation and were still working with it but without putting in anything useful with regard to the assignments given to them. Such officers were a burden on the organisation and ultimately it was decided that such officers should be asked to relinquish their duties forthwith, the sources added.

The retrenchment process in the ISI would continue for at least two more years but it would be carried out in an extremely careful manner so that the working of the agency did not suffer in any way.

The incumbent leadership of the armed forces and the agency are fully cognizant of the quality of the force and particularly the requirements of the men on sensitive jobs.

To a question the sources brushed aside any impression about the involvement of any pressure from any side while dealing with the process of streamlining the working of the agency. “No-one could think in terms of exerting pressure with the incumbent command of the armed forces,” the sources said.

How ISI Works?

Founded in 1948 by a British army officer, Major General William Cawthorne, the ISI ballooned in the 1980s when the CIA entrusted it with billions of dollars of assistance for mujahideen rebels fighting Soviet forces in Afghanistan.

It is thought to have 10,000 employees, three-quarters of whom are serving army officers on secondments from other units. The remainder is a mix of civilians and retired officers.

Internally the ISI is divided into lettered sections, the most notorious of which is the S wing, which manages the relationship with Islamist militant groups.

The C wing liaises with foreign intelligence services, and includes a CIA-funded counter-terrorism centre. Quite often, western spies complain, the C wing says one thing while the S does another.

Theoretically the ISI reports to the Pakistani PM. In reality it answers to the army chief. It is much more powerful than Pakistan’s other spy outfits, Military Intelligence (MI) and the civilian Intelligence Bureau (IB).

Headquarters

Its entrance is suitably discreet: a single barrier near a small hospital off a busy Islamabad highway. Bougainvillea spills over long walls with barbed wire; a plain-clothes man packing a pistol questions visitors. Further along, soldiers emerge to check for bombs.

Then a giant electric gate slides back to reveal a sleek grey building. With one difference: nothing is signposted.

Welcome to the headquarters of the ISI Directorate, Pakistan’s premier spy agency. Powerful and notorious in equal measure, for decades the ISI has operated behind a dense veil of secrecy, impervious to allegations of election rigging, terrorist training, abduction and assassination. Many Pakistanis call it the “state within a state”.

Coming out of the Cold

Now, though, the ISI is coming in from the cold. Over the past year the agency has invited a stream of western journalists into its swish, modern nerve centre.

Over tea and PowerPoint briefings, spies give details of some of Pakistan’s most sensitive issues – the Taliban insurgency, the hunt for al-Qaida, the troubled relationship with India.

“We’ve started to open up a little,” said an ISI official authorised to speak to the press. “In the past, irrespective of whether we did something, we were getting blamed for it. Now we want to reach out and get our point of view across.”

Yet rehabilitating the ISI’s image would tax the most inventive spin doctor. For 30 years its covert operations have been at the sharp end of Pakistani policy, supporting Islamist extremists fighting Indian soldiers in Kashmir, and boosting the Taliban to power in Afghanistan.

At home the agency is viewed with awe and dread. It is the eyes and ears of military power, with huge phone and email monitoring capability and a wide network of informers.

Some Pakistanis refer to its agents – who often wear white shalwar kameez – as “the angels”. Under President Musharraf they abducted hundreds of people, some of whom were allegedly tortured. Recently, though, it has been the agency’s turn to be on the receiving end.

In May 2009, suicide bombers hit an ISI office in Lahore, killing a colonel; in the tribal areas militants have killed 57 agents and wounded 86. Security is tight at the Islamabad headquarters, where the ISI has asked its next-door neighbour – the city authority – to move to another neighbourhood.

Influencing the local press has always been part of ISI operations, usually through bribes, blandishments or intimidation. But it rarely reached out to the foreign press, until now.

“This is totally unprecedented,” said Stephen Cohen, a Pakistan expert at the Brookings Institution policy research organisation in Washington. “It seems to be part of a new openness in the military. They’re worried about caricatures of Pakistan, especially in the foreign press, such as people saying the country is going to break up in three months.”

The briefings, which take place about once a week, belie the agency’s gritty image. Reporters are shepherded into a wood-panelled conference room with soft armchairs, a long table and a wall-mounted screen.

Officials in business suits, who could pass for middle management in any company, introduce themselves without full name or job title.

During the interview liveried servants ferry in trays of tea and fried snacks, served on ISI crockery. Smoking is allowed.

Officials speak openly, but journalists expecting them to gush state secrets may be disappointed. Every talk is carefully vetted in advance. “We’re opening up but it’s not a total glasnost,” said the unofficial spokesman.

The ajar-door policy got off to a rocky start last year when the newly appointed ISI chief, Lieutenant General Shuja Pasha, told Der Spiegel that the Taliban had a right to “freedom of opinion”. The agency later said he misspoke. Now, though, it is paying dividends. Two weeks ago a front page lead in the New York Times, highlighting Pakistani concerns with the US military surge in Afghanistan, was sourced from an ISI briefing.

The agency was pleased. “That was the first time [the journalist] carried both sides of the argument,” said the ISI official. “I think we are getting there.”

The bolder media policy is part of a wider global trend. The CIA and MI6 have always maintained relationships with selected journalists, an engagement whose importance has increased amid the furore over torture and abduction allegations.

Mumbai Attacks

For journalists, the challenge is to sift fact from propaganda. In a recent briefing to the Guardian, ISI officials suggested Indian officials had orchestrated last November’s Mumbai attacks. The Indians wanted to cover up an investigation into Hindu extremism, they said.

Days later Ajmal Kasab, the only surviving gunman from the massacre, told an Indian court how he had been trained by Lashkar-e-Taiba, a Pakistani jihadi outfit with links to the ISI.

In the briefing the ISI also accused New Delhi of supplying arms and explosives to the Pakistan Taliban, even though the Taliban has killed Indians inside Afghanistan.

“Circles within circles,” said an ISI official when asked to explain the apparent contradictions. “It makes an excellent plot for a Le Carré novel.”

Western officials quietly support some ISI contentions, such as covert Indian support for nationalist rebels in Baluchistan. But more than anything the briefings reveal how the ISI’s world view is framed by its decades-old enmity with India.

“They tell you a lot about themselves even when they don’t know it,” said Bruce Riedel, a retired CIA official, Obama adviser and trenchant ISI critic. The contradiction at the heart of agency policy, he said, is its support for Islamist militants: “That can’t be removed by clever briefings.”

Still, the old cliches about the spy collective being a “state within a state” or a “rogue agency” are out of date. These days it is said to be firmly in the grip of the army chief, who previously ran the agency for three years.

But the new openness does underscore the country’s fragile balance of power. Two weeks ago The Hindu reported that the ISI’s Pasha had invited Indian diplomats to deal with him directly, bypassing President Asif Ali Zardari’s government.

Formally, Zardari has a lot of power. But on the ground he’s not too strong right now.

Despite its new openness, the ISI remains in the shadows. One question stands out: as well as improving its image, is it ready to really change its stripes? At headquarters, nobody can give a straight answer. Circles within circles, as they say.

All Institutions are Clandestinely Supporting the Americans: Khurram Yusafzai

In the media, there is talk of Black Water, which is security agency, established to protect, the CA -11, an NGO, which belongs to USA, and established at Chinar Road University Town Peshawar.

This issue became known, after PC Peshawar was demolished in suicide car bomb, which clearly missed the corps Commander Peshawar which was wall to wall with the  Hotel. Although the next day, Guards of Corps Commander, Peshawar shot an innocent motorcyclist and good citizen of Peshawar who happened to pass in front of the house while the cameras were rolling, local Pakistani channels conveniently ignored the incident.

The Western Media reported that Black Water Guards had died in the PC Blast two or three in number, who were staying at the PC Hotel. This fact was hidden by Pakistani Media and from Pakistanis.

There was news that PC Peshawar was establishing a US Consulate as the current one in Peshawar is smaller for its operations. How can for a moment think that a Jumbo embassy in Islamabad is OK , while relatively bigger one in Peshawar is not OK . This argument is puzzling for me and for many Pakistanis too. I do not get the logic of these feet kissers of America be it the Army, or the politicians.

The whole Balochistan is conveniently rented out to the US in the form of military bases for CIA and its drones. As the Black Water is known as the dirty players who had massacred many people in Iraq and Afghanistan, it may be noted that President Karazai also keeps Black water Guards too. Now to save Face they have changed its name to XE after bad publicity. President Karzai was also EX- employee/ Advisor of this Halliburton and Unocal Oil Pipe line company, which was making a CIS to Pakistan oil pipeline and so was Advisor Zalmay Kharazad the blue eyed boy of US Administration and US Ambassador to UN .

Gen Musharraf should be credited for allowing such organizations to work in Pakistan, and the Army. Those agreements were hidden from the Pakistanis, and now being followed religiously by PPP led coalition Government to our shame. XE or, Black water is also involved in prostitution scandals in Bosnia when many Muslim Bosnian women were smuggled by their employees and cases are pending in many global courts against them.

Although they have diplomatic immunity status, while they are not even part of the US government. This is mystery of greatest proportions to many people. In Iraq they are wanted by their courts, for many murders, unprovoked and of innocent bystanders. It has done many massacres in Iraq and Afghanistan as well.

XE, Black water Security is a USA based security organization,  and is a subsidiary of Halliburton which belongs to Dick Cheney,  the US Vice President. Halliburton is also a supplier of US Army. One of the local branch offices of Halliburton is located in Islamabad, in the Evacuee Trust Building, which was right next to suicide blasted Marriot Hotel in Islamabad.

These facts are hidden by media and the pseudo patriotic web sites. In fact the TAPI ( Turkmenistan Afghanistan , Pakistan and India ) Oil Pipe Line Deal of the century , from Dalautabad oilfield, one of Biggest in the world, to Afghanistan, to Helmand to Pashin Balauchistan, and then to Gawadar was done by the same Halliburton.

This deal was later shared with Texaco Oil, or Union Caltex Company of USA.

Patriotic Pashtuns of Peshawar, and residents of University town took no time in locating CA-11 NGO, and its associated security firm Black Water XE guards. The local University Town Resident Association filed a complaint to relevant authorities and Interior Ministry too, as it was reported by local Journalist Aqeel Khan Yousafzai on Free Radio of Germany Douche Wella .

It seems the Army and the political Government of PPP and PML-N has a visible tug of war as to who will be more faithful to America and who can kiss the feet of America more?

While the common Pakistani is being killed and humiliated, on the roads and everywhere both by the terrorist and these Americans and the Pakistan establishment. As Fuel dumps of NATO are stored near residences in Peshawar, on Ring Road and Jet Fuel tankers are passing through residential streets of Haytabad, Peshawar and is being blown apart right in the middle of their homes and in between schools.

Even the Jet Fuel Oil is being supplied to USA NATO and ISAF by a company called Attock Oil Company of Pakistan, registered in Islamabad, which is another controversial matter , as it is owned by a Saudim, Ghiat Pharaon wanted by FBI. Hence Halliburton and USA is buying oil from a Saudi wanted by the FBI. He is also a former classmate of President Bush at Harvard Business School. He was a prominent investor in Bush’s short-lived fraudulent oil venture Arbusto Energy and almost financed Bush to White House.

According to a 70-page French parliamentary report released in October 2002, Pharaon has been identified as a recent player in the informal money- and value-transferring (or hawala) networks..

Instead of buying from PSO, Pakistani Government owned oil company, the popaganda web sites like that of Ahmed Qureshi, a Geo English Anchor, and Zaid Hameed , the bass-tacks fame and official spokes man of ISI and smpathizer of Yusaf Kazab, the aheist killed by fellow Prisoner in Adiala jail after a case was filed in courts of Pakistan against him for blasphemy .

These sites are most vocal against the political Government understandably for their links with establishment? While these same web sites praise Musharaff to the hilt as a just and intelligent ruler showering him with praises. It is the same Mushrraf who provided US military bases, like the following:

1. Jacoabad Shamshi Airbase ( Head Quarters )

2. Dalbandin Balauchistan Airbase

3. The Pasni Airbase

4. The Chitral Airbase

5. The Peshawar airbase

6. Tarbella Base

7. The Gawadar Airbase

8. Chaklalla Airbase,

9. The Halliburton Head quarters at Evacuee trust Building Islamabad.

10. Apart from agreement to make US embassy, the biggest in the world , with 1 billion dollar worth of Infrastructure being built. These bases have hundreds of US Marines stationed there, on Pakistani soil and these bases are used for drone attacks, on FATA, and NWFP and we are fed up with lies that it is done from Afghanistan.

Another norrific fact is that the bases are in use of CIA, not the US government directly.

Why target this CA-11, NGO in Peshawar, which is working with FATA secretariat controlled by Islamabad bureaucracy? 

Why not mention the dozens of other sites and even CIA prisons which Time magazine claims exists in Pakistan.

Thus the people of NWFP, Balauchistan and FATA hate the Taliban as much as they hate the Army now, for the same reasons. OK if drone are doing good work and killed Baitullah, please accept the responsibility, and do not lie to us.

Why should America take the credit for it?. Maybe the Establishment doest have the guts to do that.

We should not forget that wen Bush visited Islamabad, not a single political party apart from PTI ( Pakistan Tehrik Insaf ) of Imran Khan demonstrated against his visit. Not even the pious Islamic parties, which formed MMA, like JUI and JI. That was the reason MMA Islamic Parties got Plots worth billions from GHQ, as reported by Ansar Abbasi of the News

It was during the MMA  Government tenure that the US Bases were established in Balauchistan, and the petrol and dry Depots for US army on NWFP Peshawar Ring road were established.

Dr. Khurrum Shaukat Yusafzai.

Khurrumuk@gmail.com

Petroleum Companies Cartel Not Letting Thar Coal Reserves Develop

Thar coal Reserves

If all the Oil Reserves of Saudia Arab & Iran are put together these will constitute approximately 375 Billion Barrels.

But a single Thar Coal Reserve of Sindh is about 850 Trillion Cubic Feet, which is more than Oil Reserves of Saudia & Iran.Pakistan receives annually 1220 Billion from tax alone.“Petroleum Companies Cartel” always discouraged them in a systematic way.Petroleum Companies Cartel is strong in Pakistan and they are against any other means of power generation except for the imported oil. This lobby is major beneficiary of the increasing oil bill that is estimated above 15 billion dollar this year. Even Government is planning to sell all these reserve to a company at a low price.

These reserves are estimated at 850 trillion cubic feet (TCF) of gas, about 30 times higher than Pakistan’s proven gas reserves of 28 TCF.

Dr Murtaza Mughal president of Pakistan Economy Watch in a statement said that these reserves of coal worth USD 25 trillion can not only cater to the electricity requirements of the country for the next 100 years but also save almost four billion dollars in staggering oil import bill.

Just 2% usage of Thar Coal can produce 20,000 Mega Watts of Electricity for the next 40Years ,without any single second of load shedding.
and if the whole reserves are utilized, then it could easily be imagined how much energy could be generated.

The coal power generation would cost Pakistan PKR 5.67 per unit while power generated by Independent Power Projects cost PKR 9.27.

It requires initial investment of 420 Billion Rupees.

Chinese and other companies had not only carried out surveys and feasibilities of this project but had also offered 100 percent investment during the last 7 to 8 years but the

 

Ban Texting While Driving

In July 2009, the US Center for Auto Safety (CAS) released a previously buried 2003 National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) study that identified the cell phone as a serious safety hazard when used on the road.

A bill introduced in July in the US Senate would require all states to impose a ban on texting while driving; 17 states (including, most recently, Illinois, on Aug. 6) and the District of Columbia have passed such a ban, and seven states have outlawed driver use of handheld communication devices altogether.

US Transportation Secretary considers cell phones such a problem that he is planning a summit in September to discuss the dangers of driving while distracted. And though it’s impossible to accurately gauge how many car accidents nationwide are cell phone related, a psychology professor at the University of Utah, estimates that only 2% of people are able to safely multitask while driving.

The professor, who for more than a decade has been studying the effects driving and cell-phone use have on the brain, says those 2% are probably the same people who would be really good fighter pilots. Rarities. Some of his other findings show that most drivers tend to stare straight ahead while using a cell phone and are less influenced by peripheral vision. In other words, “cell phones,” he says, “make you blind to your own bad driving.”

And even though the common assumption is that hands-free technology has mitigated the more dangerous side effects of cell-phone use — it’s just like talking to someone sitting next to you, isn’t it? — a series of 2007 simulator tests conducted by the professor seems to indicate the opposite. A passenger acted as another set of eyes for the driver in the test and even stopped or started talking depending on the difficulty of conditions outside the car. Meanwhile, half the drivers talking on a hands-free phone failed, bypassing the rest area the test had called for them to stop at.

Part of the problem may be that when people direct their attention to sound, the visual capacity of their brain decreases, says a professor of psychological and brain sciences at Johns Hopkins University. It can be as if a driver is seeing the image in her head of the person she is talking to, thereby decreasing her ability to see what’s actually in front of her. When people are listening to a cell-phone conversation, they’re slower to respond to things they’re looking at. It requires you to select one thing at the cost of being less able to respond to other things.

This may explain why participants in one of the simulator studies were faster to brake and caused fewer crashes when they had a .08% blood-alcohol content than while sober and talking on a cell phone.

Indians Should Stop Stealing our Water: Ibrahim Sajid Malick

Open Letter To Indian Prime Minister

Posted on 15 August 2009 by Ibrahim Sajid Malick

Sat Sari Akal from Pakistan!

As a native of Pakistan – I am excited to have a sagacious leader at the helm of affairs next door. Especially as our countries have a history of bitter relations having fought three wars since our independence from Britain in 1947. We both claim the Himalayan region of Kashmir, which is divided between us.

I feel it’s about time that we both re-visit the concept of ‘sous rature’, (a term usually translated as ‘under erasure)’ in our bilateral discussions. I am proposing a sous rature for Kashmir – because the conflict is inadequately represented thus far as a territorial issue. Since this is an important issue, I propose we keep it legible yet cross it out. And, going forward use a more accurate term; water conflict.

Water is linked to the crises of climate change, energy and food supplies, and in our case, a territorial dispute. Unless Kashmir’s link with water is addressed and resolved, these other crises may intensify leading to further political insecurity and conflict at various levels.

It is abundantly clear to most educated Pakistanis that the Kashmir dispute cannot be resolved until every Pakistani citizen is assured access to water – today, tomorrow and for times to come. I am hoping that in your second term you will demonstrate the courage expected of a ‘fair’ regional power and not insist on building dams that will deprive Pakistani farmers of vital water supplies.

I am hoping that you will address the critical issue of the Tulbul Navigation project on Wular Lake in the Indian-controlled portion of Kashmir. I am sure you are aware of our position that this dam will disrupt the flow of water into the Jhelum River, which flows into Pakistan. This dam clearly violates the Indus Water Treaty of 1960. You must know that the World Bank-mediated 1960 Indus Water Treaty stipulates that we share the Indus River and its five tributaries – the Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Beas and Sutlej. Under the treaty, we received exclusive use of waters from the Indus and its westward flowing tributaries, the Jhelum and Chenab, while the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej rivers were allocated for your country’s use.

In your haste to win this second term you have withheld millions of cubic feet of water upstream on the Chenab in Indian-administered Kashmir, and you are storing it in the massive Baglihar dam in order to produce hydro-electricity. Mr. Prime Minister you know it is in breach of the 1960 treaty. I know you decided to stop entertaining this discussion after the Mumbai attacks- but why are you punishing the poor farmers of Pakistan for the crimes committed by a few mercenaries?

We have heard your position that India has a right to ‘’run-of-the-river’’ projects but ask 10 independent scientists and they will confirm that the Baglihar dam reduces the flow of water to Pakistan in violation of the 1960 treaty. Come down to Pakistan and bring those World Bank appointed experts who had cleared the Baglihar project so they can understand the implication of their decision as well. If these experts are not blind- I am sure they will notice that the levels of both the river and groundwater have fallen substantially. Indeed, from our side this doesn’t even look like a river anymore; it is more like a puddle.

I don’t want to bore you with details, but the 1960 treaty guaranteed us 55,000 cusecs of water. Yet, this year we have received between 13,000 cusecs during the winter and a maximum of 29,000 cusecs during summer.

We have also heard the Indian argument for the Wular dam; that you will make a shallow 12 mile stretch of the river in order to ease “navigation” during the dry summer months. And that this is allowed under the 1960 treaty.

This is an open attempt to store water and control how much will be allowed to flow to Pakistan. It may not happen overnight – but there are no guarantees that you will continue to win elections in India for next 30-40 years.

You may ignore this appeal but at least pay attention to more than 20 different UN bodies who have warned that the world may be perilously close to its first water war. Take these dam projects off the table and you will win the hearts and minds of Pakistanis. Moreover, you will bring the two nations closer to a more peaceful and prosperous coexistence.

Nawaz Sharif: Biography

Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif was born on December 25, 1949 in Lahore. He was twice elected as PM, serving two non-consecutive terms, the first from November 1, 1990 to July 18, 1993 and the second from February 17, 1997 to October 12, 1999. 

He is best known internationally for ordering Pakistan’s 1998 nuclear tests in response to India’s nuclear tests, and the abrupt end of his final term in a dramatic coup by General Musharraf. On March 15, 2009, he defied house arrest to lead anti-government protests that briefly turned violent. Sharif called the mass rally a “prelude to a revolution.” 

Nawaz Sharif belongs to the family of Kashmiris who had settled in Amritsar a generations back. At independence his Mian Muhammad Sharif migrated to Pakistan settling in Lahore. At Amritsar the entire extended family was somehow involved in the profession of wrestling. Mian Muhammad Sharfi who had been an outcast in his family, ventured into business and started a small junkyard which ultimately grew into a small steel refinery. His both sons, Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif received their early education at Lahore. After his education he married Kalsoon Nawaz who also belonged to the same family of wrestlers. 

In the early eighties, after that Nawaz Sharif had completed his education his father Mian Muhammad Sharif started him in the business. However, this proved a disaster. As a second option Mian Muhammad Sharif set him up with Pakistani actor Saeed Khan Rangeela to get him into acting (something which Nawaz Sharif wanted). A few days later Saeed Khan Rangeela sent his regrets to Mian Muhammad Sharif saying that his son was too dumb for acting and movie industry. Mian Muhammad Sharif then paid a considerable amount to cricket coaches to train his son for cricket, but his physical fitness was too low for the sport. It is rumored that by mid-day Nawaz Sharif threw the bat down and left the stadium saying, “This is too tough for me.” As a last resort he paid General Ghulam Jilani Khan a considerable sum of monies to intorduce Nawaz Sharif to General Zia-ul-Haq who in turn made Nawaz Sharif the Chief Minister of Punjab and his political career started. 

Mian Muhammad Sharif had established close links with General Ghulam Jilani Khan1 after he became the Governor of Punjab.

The Governor allegedly got involved with the drug syndicates operating in the city of Lahore under Mirza Iqbal Beg. One of the drug syndicates was allegedly under the control of two cousins Sohail Zia Butt and Aslam Butt both of whom were Mian Muhammad Sharif’s nephews. 

Finance Minister

Nawaz Sharif started his political career by being appointed as the Finance Minister of Punjab Province in 1981. 

Chief Minister of Punjab

On April 9, 1985, he was sworn-in as Chief Minister of Punjab. On May 31, 1988, he was appointed caretaker Chief Minister, after the dismissal of Assemblies by General. Nawaz Sharif was again elected as Chief Minister after the 1988 general elections. A massive uplift of Murree and Kahuta was undertaken during his term as Chief Minister of Punjab. He became close to Shaykh Tahir Alauddin and was seen in his gatherings along with Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri very often. 

Prime Minister First Term

Sharif first became PM on November 1, 1990, running on a platform of right wing conservatives and vowing for an end to corruption. In 1992 he commenced Operation Clean-up in the city of Karachi, a military operation targeting the MQM. 

Tussle with Military

Rivalry between Sharif and military peaked in 1992 when Nawaz Shareef picked General Javed Nasir for the post of DG ISI. 

Tussle with Jamat-i-Islami

In May 1992 Jamat-i-Islami withdrew from the coalition government over Nawaz Sharif’s refusal to back JI’s favorite Gulbuddin Hekmatyar in the Afghan power struggle. 

Tussle with President

In a televised address on 17 April 1993, Nawaz Sharif directly accused Ghulam Ishaq Khan of conspiring to overthrow him. 

Corruption and Drug Trafficking

From Ramazan Sugar Mills Nawaz Sharif exported sugar worth several hundred crore rupees to India—a deal which became an election issue. His cousin Sohail Zia Butt other than getting involved in the drug business made billions in the cooperative societies’ collapse, mainly through the National Industrial Credit and Finance Corporation. 

It was Nawaz Sharif’s share in his cousin’s drug business which he used to buy off the generals thereby delaying the inevitable dismissal of his government. It is said that Nawaz Sharif was buying the generals to put his own man Lt. Gen. Ashraf: Corps Command Lahore as the new COAS. 

According to the report prepared by Rehman Malik in his first term Nawaz Sharif and his family directly made hundreds of millions dollars at the expense of Government of Pakistan, some of which included: 

• At leastUS$ 160 million from Lahore-Islamabad Motorway
• At least US$ 140 million in unsecured loans from government banks
• More than US$ 60 million generated from government rebates on sugar exported by mills owned by Nawaz Sharif and his borther Shahbaz Sharif
• At least US$ 58 million skimmed from inflated prices paid for imported wheat from United States and Canada. In the wheat deal Nawaz Sharif government paid prices far above market value to a private company owned by his close associate in Washington 

Government Sacked in April 1993

His government was sacked on April 18, 1993, when President Ghulam Ishaq Khan used the reserve powers vested in him by the Eighth Amendment to dissolve the National Assembly on charges of corruption, nepotism, extra-judicial killings and victimisation of opponents, appointing Mir Balakh Sher Mazari as the caretaker PM. Six weeks later, Supreme Court of Pakistan ruled that the the Presidential order was unconstitutional, reconstituting the National Assembly and returning Sharif to power on May 26. Army stepped in asking Sharif to resign but negotiated settlement resulted in both Shareef along with President Ghulam Ishaq Khan to resign on July 18, 1993. Moin Qureshi who was accused by many circles of being an American implanted man, became caretaker PM, and was succeeded shortly thereafter by Benazir Bhutto, who was elected to office on October 19, 1993. 

Prime Minister Second term

Sharif returned to power in February 1997 with such a huge majority that the result was immediately questioned by the PPP. Sharif won by obtaining 90 percent of the national votes cast. Doubts against the authenticity of the national elections always persist and are nearly always contended by Pakistan’s losing party. Tony Blair stated in a January interview that he “believed the election was true”. Nawaz Sharif, by that measure, would hold the record in Pakistani politics for securing the heaviest mandate in a general election in Pakistan. 

One of Sharif’s first acts during his second term was to orchestrate the scrapping of Article 58(2)(b) through another Amendment to the Constitution—an exercise in which Sharif’s party was joined by all the other political parties in the National Assembly and Senate. The Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution was passed so that the President could no longer dismiss the PM; and the Fourteenth Amendment imposed strict party discipline on members of parliament. This allowed party leaders to dismiss any of their legislators if they failed to vote as they were told and made it nearly impossible to dismiss a prime minister by a motion of no confidence. In effect, the two amendments removed nearly all checks on the prime minister’s power, since there was virtually no way for him to be legally dismissed once elected. 

On November 28, 1997, the Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah of the Supreme Court was dismissed against revolt of other judges, orchestrated by Sharif’s younger brother, the CM Shahbaz Sharif, and Justice Rafiq Tarar. On this issue he fell out with President Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari who, now without the powers to act against the Prime Minister, also resigned. Rafiq Tarar was rewarded by his being appointed President of Pakistan. 

In August 1997, Sharif signed the Anti-Terrorist Act which established Anti Terrorism Courts (ATC). The act was judged in 1998 unconstitutional by the Supreme Court (Merham Ali vs Pakistan). Sharif then enacted an amendment to the law to take into account the judges’ critiques.

Nawaz Sharif’s downfall coincided with his secular actions such as abolishing Friday holidays, distancing him from the conservative religious right wing establishment without taking him closer to the secular section, which preferred the PPP. Even now his frequent assurance to the west about continued cooperation is diminishing his popularity at home amongst the right wing conservatives who are looking for an alternative candidate to counter the secularist alliance of Musharraf-Benazir duo in the coming elections. 

On the development front, Nawaz Sharif completed the construction of South Asia’s longest motorway, the 367 km M2, linking Lahore and Islamabad. The motorway, which was initiated during Nawaz Sharif’s first term, was inaugurated in November 1997 and was constructed at a cost of Rs 37.5 billion. 

The peak of Sharif’s popularity came when his government undertook nuclear tests on 28 May 1998 in response to India’s nuclear tests two weeks earlier. However, after these tests, matters started going downhill. He suspended many civil liberties, dismissed the Sindh provincial government and set up military courts when the stability of the government was threatened.

Proposition of an Islamic society based on the Quran 

On August 29, 1998, he proposed a law to create an Islamic order in Pakistan and establish a legal system based on the Quran and the Sunnat. Sharif told Pakistanis that the proposed Shariat Bill was a charter of duties and not power. This came a week after Sharif informally announced the measure during the commemoration the late President Zia ul-Haq’s 10-year death anniversary on August 17. 

On October 8, 1998, he presented the Shariat Bill in the National Assembly. The Cabinet decided to present the bill on October 9, after removing some of its controversial aspects. The Pakistani government approved and passed the bill on October 10, 1998. After the vote, Nawaz Sharif said: “I congratulate the nation on the passage of the bill which will help create a truly Islamic system”. The amendment, which was passed by the National Assembly by 151 votes to 16, was then passed to the upper house of parliament for a final vote. Two-thirds majority was needed for passage in the Senate, the upper chamber. 

On January 16, 1999 the Nawaz Sharif Government imposed Islamic law in the traditional tribal areas of the north-west straddling the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, vowing to impose it throughout the country. However, the amendment would fail in the senate and before Nawaz Sharif would recover from that setback, his government was summarily dismissed by a military coup. 

Relations with the military

Nawaz Sharif principally rose to prominence as a staunch proponent of the military government of President Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq during the 1980s, especially maintaining ties with Lieutenant General Jilani and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee Rahimuddin Khan. His political career was further facilitated by the military’s tilt towards his right-wing inclinations; ISI Director-General Hamid Gul having played a substantial role in the formation of the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad, the conservative political alliance that brought Sharif to power in 1990. 

Despite this, Sharif’s first term as PM saw himself fall out with three successive army chiefs: with General Mirza Aslam Beg over the 1991 Gulf War issue; with General Asif Nawaz over the Sindh “Operation Clean-Up” issue; and with General Abdul Waheed Kakar over the Sharif-Ishaq imbroglio. 

It was under Abdul Waheed Kakar that Nawaz Sharif along with the then President of Pakistan Ghulam Ishaq Khan were forced to resign in 1992-93. At the end of General Waheed’s three-year term in January 1996, General Jehangir Karamat was appointed army chief. His term was due to end on January 9, 1999. 

In October 1998, however, Sharif fell out with General Karamat as well, over the latter’s advocacy of the need for the creation of a “National Security Council” in what Sharif believed was a conspiracy to return the military to a more active role in Pakistani politics. Before that Sharif dismissed the Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Mansur Ul Haq. 

In October 1998, General Jehangir Karamat resigned and Sharif appointed General Pervez Musharraf as army chief. General Jehangir Karamat was seen by many as a straight person who compromised himself and stood for the wishes of the Prime Minister. Sharif would later regret appointing Pervez Musharraf to the Chief of Army position, as Musharraf would lead a coup to topple Sharif’s government. 

Both Nisar Khan, a Nawaz league leader whose brother was defence secretary and Shehbaz Sharif claim they arranged Musharraf’s appointment. Nisar was later interned. 

The Lahore Declaration

In order to normalize relations between India and Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif undertook a major initiative in February 1999. This initiative culminated in a visit by the Indian PM Atal Behari Vajpayee to Lahore via bus, across the Wagah border, in 1999. Nawaz Sharif met him at the Wagah border and a joint communique, known as the Lahore Declaration, was signed between the two leaders. The Lahore Declaration spelled out various steps to be taken by the two countries towards normalizing relations. About the Agra Summit later Mr. Advani narrates: “We also noticed the absence of any reference to the Shimla Accord (1972) and the Lahore Declaration (1999) in the text. Musharraf seemed allergic to these pacts, as they were associated with his political rivals. He probably wanted to signal to his people back home that he wanted to start Indo-Pak engagement on a clean slate, all on his own terms and bearing his exclusive imprint.” 

Kargil Conflict

The Kargil War in 1999 came to haunt Nawaz Sharif. He came under American pressure to withdraw his troops after they were deep into Indian territory. India reacted strongly and ordered its troops to oust the intruders which resulted in heavy casualties on both sides. Nawaz Sharif under pressure from Bill Clinton withdrew his troops and the Islamist fighters unilaterally. Some believe that Sharif was responsible for initiating the intrusions — though he claimed that Army Chief Pervez Musharraf was the brains behind the operation. In Nawaz’s view Musharraf as Army Chief did not even take corps commanders, air chief and naval chief in confidence before the operation. Only three generals were masterminds of the operation. In a recent interview, he admitted he ‘let down’ Vajpayee on Kargil conflict and also regretted not having taken an action against Musharraf. He also said that Musharaf then army chief requested him to visit America to ask India for ceasefire. His this claim is reinstated by General Gani (American General at that time) remark in his book. The retreat was not welcome in Pakistan and Sharif would later reveal that Pakistan had suffered more than 4,000 casualties. Growing fiscal deficits and debt-service payments, mainly due to American sanctions, led to a financial crisis. The government narrowly avoided defaulting on its international loans. With the country suffering from frequent power blackouts, Sharif directed the army in early 1999 to take control of WAPDA, which had the adverse effect that many active and former military personnel were deployed as heads of civilian agencies. This trend continues to this day. 

Military coup

With the public and press openly speculating about the possibility of a military takeover, Nawaz became increasingly insecure. On October 12, 1999, he removed Musharraf as army chief. Musharraf, who was out of the country, boarded a commercial airliner to return to Pakistan. Sharif ordered the Karachi airport sealed off to prevent the landing of the airliner, and ordered it to land at Nawab Shah Airport, but Musharraf contacted top army generals who took over the country and ousted Sharif’s administration. Musharraf assumed control of the government. The Supreme Court validated the coup on the grounds of necessity. Thus ended Nawaz Sharif’s second term, which saw resignations of a President, an Army chief and a Naval Chief and suspension and removal of a Chief Justice. 

Nawaz was thrown in prison and tried by Anti-Terrorism Courts, which handed down a life sentence for hijacking in 2000. However, the military government agreed to commute his sentence from life in prison to exile in Saudi Arabia. His family moved with him, and they arrived in Saudi Arabia in December 2000. His wife and senior members of his party formed an anti-military coalition along with the Pakistan Peoples Party, previously the major opposition to Sharif’s Muslim League. For several years, Nawaz and the PPP only offered token resistance to President Musharraf’s government. Efforts were mainly restricted to criticism through the media. 

2007-Return to Pakistan

On September 7, 2007, Justice Shabbir Hussain Chatha ordered police to arrest Shahbaz Sharif, brother of Nawaz Sharif and produce him before the court, after the hearing in Lahore. The court ruled that “Shahbaz Sharif should be arrested (at) whichever airport he lands at”. Nawaz Sharif also faced detention on the pair’s planned return from exile to Pakistan on September 10, 2007, to challenge President Musharraf’s eight-year military rule. 

On September 10, Nawaz Sharif arrived in Islamabad on a PIA flight from London but was prevented from leaving the plane as the authorities at the Islamabad Airport wanted to escort him to the arrival lounge. The rest of the passengers on board were allowed to deplane, and negotiations began with Sharif as he, along with his few supporters, did not want an escort and wanted to deplane themselves. 

Sharif finally agreed to be taken out of the plane, and was taken to the arrival lounge and upon his arrival there he was approached by the National Accountability Bureau chief who issued a warrant due to corruption charges made against him. After that, Nawaz Sharif boarded another airliner to be exiled back to Saudi Arabia. “He has been sent back,” a senior security official told Agence France-Presse, as local television showed a PIA airplane carrying the deported Sharif from Islamabad airport. 

Later on September 10, Nawaz Sharif landed at Jeddah airport and was greeted by Saudi intelligence chief Prince Miqren bin Abdul Aziz. Pakistan’s Religious Affairs Minister Muhammad Ijaz-ul-Haq stated that “He has not only embarrassed Pakistan but also the leadership of Saudi Arabia by violating the agreement.” Although Nawaz Sharif had denied the existence of any ‘exile deal’ with the government before his homecoming, he later admitted that there was an agreement but that it was for only five years. 

On presenting him before the Court, the European Union asked the Pakistani government to respect the court ruling. In Washington, D.C., Sean McCormack of the White House (joined by India) stated that the deportation was an “internal matter” but said that elections should be “free and fair” (but expressing mild disapproval of Musharraf’s action). But the United States organisation Human Rights Watch accused the Pakistan Government of violating international law. Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League condemned the deportation by filing a contempt suit in the Supreme Court. His brother Shahbaz Sharif was due to travel with Sharif from London but changed his plans at the last minute. 

On November 25, 2007, several weeks after the return of Benazir Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif was able to return to Pakistan. He was not arrested and, like Bhutto, was able to return to political activity.

A private television channel allegedly reported that Nawaz’s media manager Pervaiz Rasheed seized tapes and intimidated their staff after Nawaz lost his temper in an interview. According to the director news of the private TV channel in a press conference, they had been held in hostage during an interview with former PM Nawaz Sharif. He (Nawaz) had also used unbecoming language against President Pervaiz Musharraf and PML(Q) top leaders while answering one of his questions. 

Upon reaching Lahore, Sharif was supposedly greeted by a huge crowd of supporters. On November 26, 2007, Nawaz Sharif filed for the January Parliamentary elections. He handed in his papers in Lahore filing for two parliamentary seats. 

On December 3, it was announced that Sharif would meet Benazir Bhutto to discuss a possible boycott of the January 8 elections. Mr Sharif had stated that his party, Pakistan Muslim League (N), would not take part in the elections unless the judges sacked under emergency rule were reinstated. 

The Election Commission of Pakistan then banned Sharif from taking part in the January 8 elections. A rival candidate complained to the commission citing Sharif’s criminal charges. The commission upheld the complaint. Sharif had until Friday to appeal against the ban. An election commissioner Raja Qamaruzaman told Lahore newspapers that His (Nawaz’s) nomination papers are rejected because of his convictions. In the case of his opposition rival Benazir Bhutto, President Pervez Musharraf signed into law the amnesty early in 2007 that cleared Ms Bhutto of all corruption charges. However this amnesty did not clear Mr Sharif, having been sentenced to ten years for aeroplane hijacking and terrorism when he attempted to prevent the PIA flight carrying Musharraf and Soomro and a plane full of ordinary passengers in 1999 from landing at Karachi. 

On December 6, Mr Sharif attempted to meet former chief justice Iftikhar Chaudhry but was stopped by police. Mr Chaudhry was forced to leave office after refusing to swear allegiance to President Musharraf and also the authorities are preventing him from leaving his household. Sharif told the crowd that he had come to show support for the judges and will not rest until they were restored. Coming off the heels of meeting with former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto both opposition parties were in the process of negotiating what they called a charter of demands which they wanted fulfilled if they were to take part in the January 8 elections. Mr Sharif wanted the re-instatement of the judges before the election takes place to be on the opposition’s joint demands. However Benazir Bhutto claimed that this is an issue that parliament could address once the elections have been fought. 

On December 7, it was confirmed by Nawaz Sharif that he would not appeal against the ban that was placed on him on December 3, and would not participate as a candidate in the January 8 elections. If Sharif appealed against the ban the matter would have been taken to the Pakistan High Court. Sharif said that he does not recognize this as legitimate because the judges were forced under the rule of President Musharraf. Sharif wrote to the Election Commission saying that he was being prevented from standing for political reasons. 

Nawaz Sharif announced on December 10 that he would indeed participate in the January 8 elections. The PML(N) made this decision after he failed to make a decision with opposition rival Benazir Bhutto and her PPP; the two sides complained that elections would not be free and fair under emergency rule placed by President Musharraf on November 3, 2007. Mr Musharraf announced that emergency would end on December 15, a day earlier than planned. Mr Sharif’s party would participate in the elections after 33 opposition parties including PPP failed to reach a joint agreement. Mr Sharif announced his party’s manifesto being a single demand for the restoration of the judges sacked in November by President Musharraf. Ms Bhutto however said that this is an issue that the new parliament can decide on. 

On February 16, 2008 the initial last day of campaigning for Pakistan’s political parties, Nawaz Sharif’s PML(N) campaigned closely with assassinated Benazir Bhutto’s PPP and her widower Asif Ali Zardari. 

2008 – Pakistani General Elections

However after the death of Bhutto, Sharif met with Zardari and advised him to boycott elections. Asif Zardari refused the offer and offered Nawaz to take part in the elections arguing that the opposition parties would definitely win after this chain of unfortunate events in the country and mishandling of issues by the government. Nawaz accepted the offer and announced it publicly in a press conference. He gave the reason that in order to bring the President’s government down the whole opposition must assemble and move in one direction. 

On February 18 the PML (N) dominated the Punjab assembly and won 68 seats out of 272 from the National Assembly finishing second, directly behind the PPP (Bhutto/Zardari’s party) at 88. However, after adding the reserved seats for women and minorities, total number rose to 91. The results became clear on February 19. His massive victory in Punjab was met by a festive mood. Later that day in a press conference he said that he would welcome the political leaders back to the parent party who had left his party and joined the PML (Q). Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari, the husband of slain Benazir Bhutto told February 21, 2008 their parties will work together in the national parliament after scoring big wins in the 2008 election. 

On February 26, 2008, Nawaz announced that he and his brother Shabaz Sharif would run in by-elections upcoming in the country within the next few weeks, to become Members of Parliament, since they have no restrictions against them. the PML (N) left it to the PPP to chose a PM, since they agreed on forming a coalition government.

Nawaz Sharif has challenged the petition filed by the federal government against the acceptance of Mr Sharif’s candidature for National Assembly seat Ashtar Ausaf Ali, former Advocate General of Punjab, is the lawyer representing Nawaz Sharif. 

The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the PPP on June 27, 2008, won 3 and 2 by-election seats, respectively, to the national parliament. Polls were postponed for the 6th seat in Lahore due to Nawaz Sharif’s eligibility contest. A court ruled he was ineligible due to the old conviction, amid the government appeal in the Supreme Court, which will hear the case on June 30, thus postponing the vote in the constituency. The 2 parties also won 19 of 23 provincial assembly seats where by-elections were held. The results will not affect the February 18 general election results in which Benazir Bhutto’s PPP won 123 seats in the 342-seat National Assembly and Sharif’s party came second with 91, while PML-Q which supported Musharraf came a poor third with 54 seats. Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) won 8 provincial assembly seats, while the PPP won 7 provincial seats. 

Reinstatement of Judges

Nawaz Sharif stated in Lahore that: “I want to inform the entire nation that on Monday 12 May 2008, all deposed judges will be restored; the national assembly will approve a resolution the same day.” The judges include Iftikhar Chaudhry, Supreme Court Chief Justice, and President Musharraf sacked 60 judges under the state of emergency. 

On 12 May 2008 the day that PML-N leader Nawaz Sharif stated that the deposed judges sacked under President Musharraf’s emergency rule last November, would be reinstated, Mr Sharif over the weekend beginning 9 – 11 May met PPP Partner Asif Ali Zardari in London to discuss the deadlock and the official date of when the judges would be reinstated, but the meetings dissolved, with no agreement that both party officials could agree upon. Returning to Islamabad Nawaz spoke to media mogul Geo Television Network and announced that he is withdrawing his party members from the federal government(cabinet) and effectively resigning from the coalition government. After repeated meetings with the ruling party, and refusal by the president to restore the deposed judges, Sharif decided to join the lawyers movement planned on completion of two years of first dismissal of chief justice on Mar, 9 2007. the plan was to start a long march from Karachi and Quetta simultaneously on Mar, 12 reaching Islamabad and staging a permanent sit-in till restoration of all deposed judges. The government got very confused, with initially house arresting Sharif and other prominent lawyers, and raising the greatest ever road blocks by placing containers all over the road to islamabad. there was no way anyone could get in or out of the twin cities of rawalpindi-islamabad, even not the ambulances carrying sick. When the long march picked up peak of tempo, with civil society joining the lawyers and politicians, it was at 0652am(PST, 16 March, i.e before start of planned sit-in) that the Prime Minister after obtaining the President’s approval(amidst long meetings of army chief with them) announced restoration of judges with immediate effect. thus, sharif was made a hero for restoration of original judiciary despite so many odds. 

Resignations from Coalition Government

On May 12, PML (N) announced it was leaving the government after its failure to reinstate the judges; its ministers resigned.

Musharraf Resignation

On August 7, 2008, the PPP and the Pakistan Muslim League (N) agreed to force Musharraf to step down and begin his impeachment. Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, announced sending a formal request or joint charge sheet that he steps down, and impeach him through parliamentary process upon refusal. Musharraf, however, said: “I will defeat those who try to push me to the wall. If they use their right to oust me, I have the right to defend myself.” Pervez Musharraf, accordingly delayed his departure for the Beijing Olympics, by a day. A senior coalition official told Reuters: “Yes, we have agreed in principle to impeach him.” The draft of the ruling coalition’s joint statement had been finalized by the draft Committee, and Musharraf must obtain vote of confidence from the National Assembly and 4 provincial assemblies.[26] The government summoned the national assembly, or lower house of parliament, to sit on August 11. Capt. Wasif Syed, spokesman for the Pakistan People’s Party — confirmed: “A decision has been made that he has to go now, and all the parties have agreed on this point.” 

On 18 August 2008, Musharraf resigned as President of Pakistan. He said he was resigning for the country.

Presidential election

Pakistan’s Election Commission on August 22 announced that Presidential elections would be held on September 6, and the nomination papers could be filed from August 26.[29] The president is elected by the 2 houses of parliament and the 4 provincial assemblies.[30]. There was speculation that Nawaz Sharif would run for President, but on August 25, 2008, Nawaz Sharif announced that Saeeduzzaman Siddiqui would be the Pakistan Muslim League (N) nominee to replace Musharraf as President. Siddiqui was defeated by Asif Zardari for the presidency. 

Ineligibility to contest

In early 2009, Pakistan’s Supreme Court barred Nawaz Sharif from contesting elections or holding public office, sparking widespread protests and disorder in some parts of the Punjab province. [32] Sharif planned to attend a banned political rally in Islamabad on 16 March 2009, but was instead placed under house arrest. He duped police standing outside his door and went to attend the famous long march in Islamabad. In the mean time the Pakistani Government announced to appeal against the disqualification of Sharif brothers from contesting election and occupying public office. The next day Government agreed to reinstate the deposed judges of the Supreme Court after which Shariff gave his consent to call off his long march. After this whole political deadlock Nawaz Sharif emerged as popular personality in the politics of Pakistan.

Asking US for Political Help 

In April 2009 the Sharif brothers went to the U.S. Embassy alone and didn’t take along any party member. So this wasn’t a party visit. The aim of the visit was to convince the Americans to back the brothers for the top political posts in Pakistan. 

But typical Nawaz Sharif had his own ideas, he was bent upon taking revenge from Musharraf for the humiliation he suffered by running in exile to Saudi, Nawaz didn’t care about the country as his mega rich himself and won’t hesitate to run in exile again if needed to. Ishaq Dar came briefly tooled with Nawaz’s personal vendetta to damage Musharraf, so he came and started giving negative and false statements about the economy. Later he was criticised by the business community for doing so. As Nawaz’s intention wasn’t to help Pakistan he quickly made all his ministers resign and take the back seat as he always likes doing, shying away from trouble. The people who voted for Nawaz just totally wasted their time as he won a lot of seats but refused to be part of the of the problem solving.

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Farhan Investigative Report

This is an excellent programme exposing some of the corruption conducted by Nawaz Sharif by the host of DM Digital, Farhan Aslam, who also used to work for ARY Digital a few years ago.

The report has been divided into six segments. I will offer a short summary of the discussion, followed by the clips themselves. 

Brief summary

Nawaz Sharif’s only agenda was to make money. In order to achieve this goal, he formed/changed laws and policies for his personal benefit and expanded his business empire by misusing his authority as PM. 

Interestingly enough and ironically, the PPP played a major role in exposing the corruption of Nawaz Sharif and his family. The Jamaat-e-Islami had also levelled a number of corruption allegations upon Nawaz Sharif. As we know, later Sharif and his cronies also played a role in exposing the corruption of Benazir Bhutto and her PPP. In other words, both Sharif and Bhutto have been busy over the years actively accusing each other of committing corruption.

Nawaz Sharif is widely acknowledged to be a highly incompetent person, with a mediocre I.Q. level. The brain behind him was that of his late “Abba Jee” (‘daddy’) – the mastermind and the main decision maker behind the scene. 

In order to consolidate and attain more power, N. Sharif attacked every individual and institutions he felt could get in the way challenge his authority. In order to get rid of the then Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah, who was despised by Sharif, the later created divisions among the judges to make life difficult for the Chief Justice. A group of judges refused to acknowledge Shah as the Chief Justice and things got so bad that a number of junior judges put hurdles in the way of the Chief Justice in order to make it difficult for him to carry out his duties. Eventually, Sharif ordered his thugs to attack the Supreme Court in order to prevent the Chief Justice from giving a ruling against him. 

The police did nothing to stop Sharif’s thugs as they attacked and entered the Supreme Court. The judges inside the building barely managed to escape. The thugs, led by Sajjad Naseem and Mushtaq Tahir, Nawaz Sharif’s political secretaries, entered the court chanting anti-Sajjad slogans and destroyed the furniture. 

Next, consider Nawaz Sharif’s relationship with the press and media. Two examples will suffice. On 8th May 1999, Najam Sethi, a prominent journalist of Pakistan, was arrested by the police on the orders of Sharif. Sethi has committed the crime of annoying Nawaz Sharif by writing a critical essay against him. The police broke into Sethi’s house at around 2 am and beat him up in his bedroom in front of his wife, after which he was transported off to a secret location. The police trashed Sethi’s house, broke the furniture and beat him up quite bad. Sethi was only released after a lot of international pressure had built up against Sharif. Sharif also demanded the Jang Group to get rid of all the journalists who were critical of him. To achieve this goal, Sharif and his cronies used a variety of legal and illegal means to pressure the Jang Group into compliance. 

There is probably no institution in Pakistan which Nawaz Sharif did not aggressively confront in order make them comply to his wishes. Besides picking on a fight with the President, the Judiciary and the already restricted/limited media, Sharif also decided to have a confrontation with the army, the only viable institution left in Pakistan. Chief of Army Staff, General Jehangir Karamat, and Nawaz Sharif had a conflict over an issue pertaining to the national security council and both entered into a heated discussion, after which Gen. Karamat had to offer his resignation. Jehangir Karamat thus became the first Chief of Army Staff in the history of Pakistan to have left the army in this prematurely in this manner. 

One by one all challenges and potential obstacles were removed from the way by Nawaz Sharif. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Farooq Leghari, Sajjad Ali Shah, and Jehangir Karamat, as well as others, were all removed from the scene by Sharif. 

After the removal of Jehangir Karamat, Sharif appointed Pervaiz Musharraf as the Chief of Army Staff. Some analysts at the time said that Sharif made this decision thinking that Pervaiz Musharraf was an Urdu speaker and did not belong to a Punjabi army family, thus very unlikely to be a threat to Sharif! 

Things became sour between Sharif and Musharraf during the Kargil episode. Later, once a relative of Sharif was removed from the army by Musharraf, that was the final nail in the coffin. Sharif then decided to take his revenge and replace Gen. Musharraf with a fellow of his liking who would be controllable (the head of the ISI at the time). 

Farhan Aslam also comments upon the ill-advised economic decisions of Sharif which made Pakistan’s situation from bad to worse. Moreover, he comments upon the Sharif family’s personal business empire and how it grew exponentially through questionable means.

Afghanistan: Law to Crush Shia Women

President Karzai Makes Shia Women Second-Class Citizens
Karzai has made an unthinkable deal to sell Afghan women out in
return for the support of fundamentalists in the August 20 elections. The amendments to the Shia Personal Status Law were published in the official Gazette on July 27, 2009 (Gazette 988), bringing the law into force.

Many regressive articles remain in the law, which strip away women’s rights that are enshrined in Afghanistan’s constitution.

The law gives a husband the right to withdraw basic maintenance from his wife, including food, if she refuses to obey his sexual demands.

It grants guardianship of children exclusively to their fathers and grandfathers.

It requires women to get permission from their husbands to work.

It also effectively allows a rapist to avoid prosecution by paying blood money to a girl who was injured when he raped her.

The rights of Afghan women are being ripped up by powerful men who are using women as pawns in maneuvers to gain power.

These kinds of barbaric laws were supposed to have been relegated to
the past with the overthrow of the Taliban in 2001, yet Karzai has
revived them and given them his official stamp of approval.

Karzai signed the Shia Personal Status Law in March, prompting a
national and international storm of protest. The law regulates the
personal affairs of Shia Muslims who make up between 10 and 20
percent of the population, including divorce, separation, inheritance, and the minimum age for marriage. The initial version of the law included articles that imposed drastic restrictions on Shia women, including a requirement to ask permission to leave the house
except on urgent business, and a requirement that a wife have sex
with her husband at least once every four days.

The law was designed in secret by a powerful and hard-line Shia
leader, Ayatollah Asif Mohseni, and supported by conservative Shia
leaders in parliament.

In a rare move, Afghan women took to the streets in April to protest,
braving threats and violence. President Obama, PM Stephen Harper of Canada, PM Gordon Brown of the United Kingdom, the NATO secretary general, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, and many other world leaders condemned the legislation. As a result of pressure, Karzai submitted the law to a consultation process with civil society groups in May, which resulted in some improvements. The legislation still contains some of its most repressive measures, though.

The law directly contravenes rights provided under the Afghan constitution, which bans any kind of discrimination and distinction between citizens of Afghanistan.

Article 22 states that men and women have equal rights and duties
before the law.

The law also contravenes the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, to which Afghanistan is a party.

Free Electricity is Provided to FATA residents by TESCO (Tribal Electricity Supply Company) Costing 10 Billion

The Pushtuns of FATA ve always been  assumed to act as security guards of Pakistan’s border, the Durand line.  This Theory is given the fancy name of Strategic Depth. 

This theory was promulgated as an official policy at the GHQ at the time of Gen Aslam Beg and Gen Hameed Gul at ISI.  

Even recently, after flushing out the Taliban, the same FATA Pushtuns have been asked to form Lashkers,  and given dangerous automatic weapons so that they may fight the Taliban. The result is that we are breeding yet another group of armed lashkers/ criminals who would become a problem later.  

Free Electricity is provided to FATA residents by TESCO (Tribal Electricity Supply Company), which is subsidiary of PESCO (Peshawar Electricity Supply Company), burdening it with line losses for not fault of its and being paid by NWFP residents for no fault of theirs as surcharges. 

The electricity,  supplied free to FATA, is used in factories, especially the Mommand Agency and the Khyber Agency.  

In current budget, the government put 10 billion rupees to pay for this free electricity supplied to FATA residents, while shirking away from real development in health and education. This would bolster the vision for these people by the establishment to keep them illiterate and armed Pushtun chowkidars of borders. 

In the meantime, the Generals are busy building defense estates and doing business . The job of providing security has been outsourced to the FATA Pushtuns. It is also keeping  the 12 MNAs s and 8 Senators of FATA happy.

Dr. Khurrum Shaukat Yusafzai.
Email : Khurrumuk@gmail.com

Asma Jehangir Says Army Violating Human Rights

Asma Jehangir has accussed the security forces, discovery of mass graves in the conflict-hit region, and the continued suffering of the civilian population. The security forces, in turn, have asked her to come to Swat herself to assess the situation, instead of issuing “sweet” statements from her abode worth crores in Lahore, protected by those very “cruel” forces.

Asma says that a number of Swat residents have reported sighting mass graves in the area, including at least one in Kookarai village in Babozai tehsil of Swat district and another in an area between Dewlai and Shah Dheri in Kabal tehsil. Witnesses who have seen mass burials said that at least in some cases the bodies appeared to be those of Taliban militants.

She has also expressed her concern over the worrying development and also over credible reports of numerous extrajudicial
killings and reprisals carried out by security forces.

 

Asma also says that the IDPs have returned to find a number of houses in the area damaged in the military operation. Shops in most areas are yet to reopen and the ones that are open have scare supplies. The local people demand that the government ensure the supply of essentials to the returning population, including subsidised edibles for the families that cannot afford to buy them on account of financial losses suffered during and prior to the military operation. Restoration of the devastated infrastructure and provision of safe drinking water must be given top priority to prevent the spread of disease.

Ironically, Asma also says that while a massive security operation in Swat seems to have dented the Taliban network in the area for now, but the threat of Taliban exists. Lack of safety and security remain for the people being sent back to the valley from IDP camps. That the
law and order situation is still not completely under control is
testified by the continued curfew in the area. Even military
officials in the area acknowledge that parts of Swat are yet to be
purged of the militants. The beheading of a police official in
Sangota, Mingora, on July 28 triggered fear among local residents,
who had returned to their homes after being assured that the
militants have been flushed out of the area.

None of the national and provincial assembly members or district or
tehsil nazims have so far returned to the conflict-hit area. Their
absence itself is a reflection of the apprehension of lack of security in the region. The government should provide the elected representatives of the area appropriate security to encourage their
return, which would also boost public morale.

Asma thus also wants a campaign to apprehend local-level Taliban operatives and other terrorists.