Why Kill Over a People’s Dietary Preference For Beef?

By Meena Kandasamy

It looks like Foucault’s “real political task” is what the organisers of the recent beef-eating festival at Osmania University set out to do: they fought the “food fascism” that kept beef out of the menu, reminded the secular state that a university hostel mess was not Sankara math, and criticised the imposition of caste-Hindu dietary diktats on Dalits from within the confines of a seemingly neutral educational institution. When they rapped “Beef is the secret of my energy” with all the soul of an outlaw anthem, it sounded like the secret heartbeat of an anti-caste cultural revolution.

But the stone-pelting, vehicle-torching ABVP hooliganism and the OU vice-chancellor S. Satyanarayana’s statement that beef would not be served in hostels unmasked a pattern of political violence. Tucking into beef biriyani behind the smokescreen of the teargas firing at OU, one could imagine the rage of a caste-Hindu mob that lynched five Dalits in Jhajjar, Haryana, in 2002 for skinning a dead cow. A week earlier, Hindu extremists had triggered communal disturbances in Hyderabad’s Old City area by hurling beef in the Hanuman temple at Kurmaguda. Both these incidents highlight the ideological framework of Hindutva mobilisation using a certain female quadruped political player who is capable of igniting riots, whose dead flesh could cause a city to disintegrate into communal violence.

Instead of acknowledging the beef-fest as an act of Dalit assertion, right-wing commentators said it was a ploy to dent the Telangana struggle. They propped up pork to silence other minorities and cast this as a Hindu-Muslim stand-off when it was actually about untouchability. Dr Ambedkar had theorised that broken men (and women) rebelling against caste became untouchables because they were Buddhists and beef-eaters. Beef, being a Dalit food, was kept away from caste-Hindus and stigmatised. To enforce the strict regimentation of caste codes, beef-eating was prohibited for Hindus. And not just in the Manusmriti.

Because India is a Hindu state at heart despite all apparitions to the contrary, Article 48 of the Constitution requires the State to take steps to prohibit the slaughter of cows. Anti-cow slaughter laws in most states promise prison terms. In implementing Hindutva, nobody outdoes Narendra Modi. He sparked off the state-aided slaughter of Muslims a decade ago, but now tries to balance his karma by conducting dental and cataract surgeries for cows. Note: Hinduism only asks of a ruler to protect cows from slaughter. While Muslim victims of the Gujarat riots still languish in relief camps, Modi gloats that no cow has to travel more than three kilometres to reach a health camp. In this animal farm, Her Holiness Mother Cow is a first-class citizen with health insurance and a pension plan. Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims and Christians, being beef-eating minorities, cannot press for similar privileges.

She hasn’t always been treated with motherly respect, though: D.N. Jha’s book The Myth of the Holy Cow documented the problematic (and under-appreciated) history of Brahmin/Hindu beef-eating in ancient India, before the taboos evolved, while Manish Jha’s film Matrubhoomi: A Nation Without Women depicted the sexual abuse of a cow by sex-starved men. Perhaps that’s why when the BJP was in power, the National Cow Commission (2002) suggested forming a Central Cattle Protection Rapid Task Police Force and wanted amendments to pota to enable detention of those smuggling cows.

There is no point getting offended if someone enjoys beef in all its juicy glory. Since nobody is being force-fed, tolerance means digesting the idea that just as cows are meant to be milked, cows are also meant to be meat. There cannot be a shred of doubt that in a racist nation which advertises vaginal skin-lightening creams, the large, naive eyes and flawless complexion make the cow an attractive mother. Men take pride in being mummy’s boys, but it is high time Hindutva organisations and secular, state-run universities stop being swayed by bovine sex appeal, step out of their Oedipus complex and remind themselves that cows, at least the fertile ones, are only mothers of calves. Why kill for a cow, when you aren’t born of one?

Vultures Continue to Eat-up Pakistan

On July 2, 2012, the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) of the National Assembly released names of retired and serving judges of the Supreme Court who have been allotted more than one residential plots in Islamabad.

Allotment of more than one residential plot to government servants and judges in Islamabad was allowed by former PM Shaukat Aziz. And PPP government went ahead with the policy of making multiple allotments of residential plots to bureaucrats and judges of the Supreme Court.

Under the policy, a civil servant of the federal government promoted to BS-22, will automatically be given a residential plot of one kanal in Islamabad, even if he already owns one in the city. The same policy was followed for judges of the Supreme Court. Only God knows as to what these guys have done to get plots from the government to begin with and then two plots. Each plot in Islamabad costs nothing less than three crore rupees.

PAC has said that it would review the policy under which this favour was extended only to a selected lot.

The PAC released names of 15 Supreme Court judges, including three serving judges, who own two plots each in Islamabad.

The list includes names of former chief justice of the Supreme Court Abdul Hameed Dogar and senior judge Mian Shakirullah Jan, Justice Tassaduq Hussain Gilani, Justice Nasirul Mulk. The latter three are currently the sitting judges of the SC who own two plots each in sectors D and G of the capital.

Retired Supreme Court judges include Justices

  • Khalil-ur-Rehman Ramday,
  • Javed Iqbal,
  • Mansoor Ahmad,
  • Mohammad Nawaz Abbasi,
  • Faqir Mohammad Khokhar,
  • Mohammad Javaid Buttar,
  • Syed Saeed Ashhad, Sardar
  • Mohammad Raza Khan,
  • Falak Sher,
  • Syed Jamshed Ali and
  • Syed Azhid Hussain.

Former judges Justices

  • Raja Fayyaz Ahmed,
  • Ghulam Rabbani,
  • Chaudhry Ijaz Ahmed,
  • Mohammad Sair Ali and two serving judges
  • Justices Anwar Zaheer Jamali and
  • Khilji Arif Hussain have got one plot each given to them under special scheme meant for BS-22 officers.

The PAC directed the defence secretary to provide a similar list of military generals who got more than one residential plot, along with the policy paper followed in the armed forces to this effect.

The committee released a separate list of 204 BS-22 civil servants of the federal government, both serving and retired, who over the past many years have been allotted one kanal plots for having achieved the highest grade.Over 50 of them already had residential plots allotted to them under the regular federal government housing scheme for public servants.

Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 209 other followers