Archive for India

Why Did Maria Susairaj Kill Her Friend?

Few crimes have captured the national imagination quite as compellingly as the murder of 25-year-old Neeraj Grover in May 2008. Bombay police say that the TV executive was lying naked in 27-year-old Kannada starlet Maria Susairaj’s bedroom when her fiance, Emile Jerome Matthew, walked in and stabbed Grover to death. Maria and Emile are then said to have hacked the corpse into approximately 300 pieces before putting the chopped limbs on fire. 

This outline makes the case sound like fodder for a Ram Gopal Verma potboiler. 

The calmness with which Maria and Emile had conducted themselves afterwards was startling. 

Naval lieutenant Jerome Mathew told investigators that the reason he had murdered media executive Neeraj Grover was because he had found him nude in his girlfriend’s Malad home. Mathew and his girlfriend, Kannada actress Maria Susairaj, have been arrested for killing Grover and disposing of the body in the jungles of Manor after stuffing the chopped body parts into three bags.

Mathew said that when he had phoned Susairaj on May 6, she told him that Grover was helping her move into her new apartment at Dheeraj Solitaire building and would leave in a few hours. But when Mathew flew into Mumbai the next morning, he was shocked when Susairaj opened the door in a skimpy outfit. Mathew walked straight into her bedroom and found Grover in the nude.

Mathew was consumed with jealousy and rage as he realised what was happening behind his back. He headed straight to the kitchen and returned with a knife. The two men had a scuffle and Mathew eventually overpowered Grover, stabbing him several times.

Maria Monica Susairaj, had told him that she had not slept with Grover willingly. The couple then had consensual sex twice in the same flat, even as the body lay in a pool of blood, refuting claims that Mathew had raped her after the murder.

Mathew had never seen nor spoken to Grover before that fatal run in.

Matthew was taught techniques of man-to-man combat and how to use a dagger as part of his naval training. He put his skills to use to overpower Grover.

Susairaj used her credit card to shop for a knife and three bags from a local mall, since she had run out of cash. Matthew then used this new knife to chop Grover’s body to pieces and stuff it into the three bags.

Grover had a stable career and a good life. There seemed a low probability of his going missing just like that,’’ Maria said. Grover’s parents, who came down from UP to look for their missing son, met Maria on May 9. Barely three days later, Susairaj herself came to meet Maria with her brother and three of Grover’s friends.

She requested the police to look into the case personally. But the police told her upfront that she was my ‘suspect number 1’. She was taken aback at that time. But after her arrest, she admitted to her role in the crime.

Maria added that Mathew had a good academic background—he had scored 90% marks in his SSC and HSC. He had also won a gold medal in swimming at the university level. He has been stripped of his medals and uniform by the navy.

Maria is described by her friends as “wilful, ambitious, sexually manipulative, and ultimately a figure of tragedy”. 

The value attached to money and fame, and the sense of entitlement many of the young feel without necessarily the talent, all this together becomes a lethal combination. 

Maria Susairaj still continues to make headlines. In May this year, TV audiences were shocked to hear she had undergone treatment for her acne. Maria’s continuing ability to make news is perhaps best explained by the fact that murder of Neeraj has proved an apt reflection of changing morals in fast-changing times. We are increasingly living in a let-it-all-hang-out culture…even violence is a form of exhibitionism. 

In May this year, the police in Delhi came upon one of their nastier crime scenes. They found the blood-soaked body of middle-aged Kiran Kapoor. She had been viciously stabbed to death in her own bedroom. Kiran’s 26-year-old daughter, Sakshi, the key witness, told them two strangers were responsible for her mother’s gruesome death. The profile of the killers drawn up by the police based on Sakshi’s evidence was believable—they seemed to be seasoned criminals, they showed their victim no mercy, and they were perhaps from the ‘rougher’ side of society. As the investigation proceeded, however, the picture changed dramatically. Not only were the culprits young first-timers, they were resolutely middle-class, and the prime accused was none other than the prime witness, Sakshi. 

Under questioning, Sakshi’s lover, 20-year-old Sunny Batra, broke down and confessed that the broken liquor bottle found at the crime scene was one he had brought to share with Sakshi. Kiran, who had come home early from her evening kirtan, caught the two in what the police described in its time-honoured way as a “compromising position”. Panic soon gave way to extreme violence. Sunny silenced Kiran with an iron-press, and Sakshi stabbed her 55-year-old mother 24 times over with kitchen knives.

 

Worryingly, Sakshi’s social profile resembles that of a number of other killers in the country. 

In April, Abhishek Patil, 21, the son of a renowned Kolhapur doctor, killed his grandmother with a pestle. The apparent cause of Patil’s rage was his inability to access pornography on the Internet after the 67-year-old Shantabai moved into his room. 

And in August, Tamil Nadu police arrested eight persons in connection with the kidnapping and murder  of a 73-year-old doctor from Dindigul, Dr Bhaskar. 

Most recently, Pushpam Sinha, a PhD scholar in Delhi, was accused of killing and burning the body of 17-year-old Manipuri teenager after she refused to respond to his persistent sexual overtures. Goodbye Yuppies, Hello Yukkies: young, urban Indians ready to kill, kidnap, rape, sodomise and steal. 

Of all persons arrested on charges of murder in Delhi from January to August this year, 61 per cent were below the age of 25; all the 33 individuals accused of kidnapping for ransom were first-timers, and most belonged to the 20-25 age group. The last time the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) updated its record in 2007, it found that two out of five individuals (41.3 per cent) arrested in India belonged to the 18-30 age group

Bombay’s joint commissioner of police (crime), says, “Old theories which said that criminals are uneducated and unemployed—they just don’t hold anymore. Earlier on, youngsters could rely on the guidance and the watchfulness of elders. Now, they are left to fend for themselves and believe that any means can justify the end.” 

In fact, elimination of the guiding hand of elders has become a bit of a norm with today’s Yukkies.

In March this year, police in Porbandar (Gujarat) arrested a 16-year-old schoolgirl for killing her parents and sibling for opposing her affair with a married man. Six months later, a 19-year-old college girl in Rohtak (Haryana) killed seven members of her family who came in the way of her amorous affair. Similar cases abound across Indian cities. 

In her confession, Delhi’s Sakshi said her mother was a strict disciplinarian who constantly chastised her for relationships with men. It was this insistence on dictatorial discipline that was responsible for Sakshi’s violent outburst. The girl stabbed her mother 24 times. It is clear that this was not just a heat-of-the-moment crime of passion; there was a more innate hostility and hatred at play. This is what you get when you replace understanding with thoughtless strictness. 

Parents’ anxiety, which often translates into nagging and interference, amounts to provocation. This finally results in displays of violent aggression. But even when the blame shifts from decaying moral values to bad parenting, the bonds that tie India’s youth and heinous crime don’t become any eas Sexual frustration, more cases show, continues to be a prime motivating factor. 

In April, for instance, Mumbai police arrested six twenty something college students after having found evidence implicating them in the gang-rape of an American student of the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS). 

Then in August, a 17-year-old student from a popular central Delhi school was apprehended for sodomising an 11-year-old boy. The abuse, police said, lasted two long years

The Indian youngster’s relatively new casualness towards crime worries Delhi’s joint commissioner (crime). Youngsters committing crime—that currently ranks as our biggest concern,” he says. What makes the matter worse, according to him, is that many of these crimes are impossible to prevent. If someone without any criminal record is sitting in a room, hatching a plan to murder or kidnap, it is a little unfair to expect the city’s police to have enough intelligence with which they can intervene in time,” he says. 

Psychologist Mitra, who has been counselling Delhi’s young offenders for over 15 years, believes that a “loosening of familial bonds” has much to do with the growing instances of violence on the part of  young Indians of a certain profile. Of late, he says, the “fantasies of the young are becoming far more violent.” Rather than being able to negotiate their inability to fulfil their desires, they often give in to what Mitra calls “a real or perceived perception of injustice and humiliation”. This invented feeling of persecution “then leads to brutally violent acts such as homicide; they express their rage forcibly without any understanding of what might be the end result.” The will to hurt, says Mitra, gets further compounded by the fact that rather than being absolute, morality is now relative. “If it seems all right, it is all right to do, even if the ‘it’ in question is murder.”

Into the widening pool of Yukkies, schoolgoing teenagers are being sucked in as well. 

Concerned about the unbridled aggression she sees in the language and acts of many students, principal of Delhi Public School, Gurgaon, says, “I feel as if I am sitting on a time bomb, unable to ensure security in a school environment.” 

Two Class XII students in Bombay serve as examples to fuel her fears. They are said to have kidnapped and killed their 17-year-old Rizvi College classmate in February. 

When police authorities discovered Mukim Khan’s battered body in a Santa Cruz gutter, they found that the teen’s head had been bludgeoned beyond recognition. One of the accused, 17-year-old Amir Sheikh, later confessed that the killing wasn’t impulsive; it had been planned all along. And it was only after the brutal killing that he and his friend called Mukim’s wealthy father, a landlord in Bandra, demanding Rs 3 crore in ransom. 

Delhi’s Vikas Sethi, who demanded ransom from the parents of 7-year-old Akshita in August, told investigators the film Apaharan was his inspiration. Sundari Nanda, additional commissioner of police (licensing), says that, besides films and TV, advertising myths such as “the girl goes with the rich man in a big car” add to already existing peer pressure and that could push youngsters to crime. 

Apart from need and greed, the problem here is the non-sustainability of a life of truth. A hypocritical society is forcing the nation’s urban young to conform to an “unusual existence”, making them afraid to be different. Their ambition is now consumed by airtime. If some act can get you on a talk show, then that act must be justified. 

Accusations and blame notwithstanding, the one question that still needs further exploration is this—when did the nation’s youth begin to think that killing people was a novel way of killing time? 

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So Much for Free Media in India

It’s an understatement to say that there’s China-bashing in the Indian media.

Occasionally, there are rational and insightful voices, but these, by and large, are often submerged by many a 24/7 news channel and the patriotism-trumpeting column inches in newspapers.

China is always drawn in cartoons as the Fearsome Dragon with a fang, or an Ugly Big Brother with a shadow. Stereotyping is the name of the game.

Recently, an English daily devoted an entire Sunday page to asking prominent Indians: Would you choose to be Chinese or Indian? Really, would any sensible citizen, let alone those “prominent”, publicly opt for another nationality? Worse, the answers of prominent Indian citizens to the question ranged from “They dress like robots” to “Indian Chinese food trumps Chinese Chinese any day”, from “China’s success is overrated” to “We are the best Asian country”.

The crowning glory in stereotyping must go to the piece a fiction writer wrote titled We dream. Chinese don’t dare to, in which the author promptly pronounced, from her one trip to China, that people there didn’t even “know the difference between what the top bosses want them to know and what the truth is”. How did she arrive at such a dramatic conclusion? Answer: The three female guides assigned to her on her recent China trip turned out to be 30-year-olds, single and virgins!

For a moment, forget the Indian writer’s intemperate inquiry. Forget also the care the hosts took to choose suitable guides for her. But isn’t it ridiculous of her to draw conclusions about Chinese society based on the remarks of the three guides? The writer also failed to notice that all three hailed from rural China, managed to learn English and find jobs in cities. Their achievements not only demonstrate their ability to dream but also that dreams such as theirs do come true in China.

Such portrayals of China are indisputably wrong. China today is an open and dynamic society, boasting 360 million internet users. Hundreds of millions of people have been lifted out of poverty in the last three decades. Obviously, not all Indians share the author’s perception of China. But hers is representative and inimical to Indo-China relations. It’s often claimed that India is a country where opinions are freely expressed, but this assertion  doesn’t whitewash the fact that these so-called opinions are presumptuous and agenda-driven.

The media’s primary responsibility is to tell the truth. But a section of the Indian media is doing fellow Indians a great disservice by reporting on an important neighbour like China with dogmatic simplicity bordering on contempt.

It seems nothing about China is right—China’s growth rate is always “overrated”; its goods are “cheap and dumped”. What about Indian customers and dealers who benefit from goods otherwise inaccessible to them? When the media talks about work visas, the focus is invariably on China’s attempt to “grab Indian jobs”. Rarely do we read about Chinese workers building roads, power plants and factories in India.

One Chinese project in Tamil Nadu has, no doubt, 200 workers from China, but it has simultaneously created 1,000 local jobs. Has the Indian media written about this?

On the more thorny boundary issue, the ensemble statements of the foreign minister, the army chief and the foreign secretary could hardly tame, let alone douse, the media “incursion” flames.

For building robust China-India relations, and nurturing friendship between the two peoples, it’s imperative the Indian media doesn’t remain stuck in a time warp.

Wang Yaodong is South Asia bureau chief of Wen Hui Daily, China, and has been based in New Delhi for the last eight years.

 

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China Far Ahead of India Economically

  China India

Gross Domestic Product ($ bn) 3,250.20 1,311.90
Annual growth rate (GDP) 9.40% 6.20%
Population below $1 a day 16.60% 34.70%
Population below $2 a day 46.70% 52.40%
Human Development Index world rank 81st 128th
Adult literacy 91% 61%
PhDs in science and engg each year 15,000 6,000
Training and vocational institutes 5,00,000 12,000

Health
Health expenditure per capita $71.00 $31.00
Child mortality (under five years per 1,000) 24 76.00
Life expectancy (male) in years 70.8 63.20
Life expectancy (female) 74.6 66.70

Infrastructure
Electricity production (bn kWh) 2,199.60 667.80
Electricity consumption per capita (kWh) 1,585.00 457.00
Rail route (km) 62,200.00 63,465.00
Road network (km) 14,02,698 33,19,644

Sectoral break-up of GDP
Agriculture 11.80% 18.50%
Industry 48.70% 26.40%
Services 39.50% 55.10%
Foreign reserves ($ bn) 1,951 250
Defence budget ($ bn) 84.9 30

Agricultural and Industrial Production (Million tonnes/year)
Foodgrains 418 210
Steel 163 29
Cement 650 109
Crude oil 160 40
Coal 1,300 300

Trade
Exports ($ bn) 1,465 176
Imports ($ bn) 1,156 287
Indo-China trade volume $51.8 bn  
India’s balance of trade with China -$11.2 bn  

***

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Fact Sheet of Sino Indian Border Dispute

  • 1914: Simla Conference results in McMahon Line as the boundary between British India and Tibet. China refuses to ratify the agreement.
  • 1947: India gains independence from Britain.
  • 1948: Indian ambassador to China, K.M. Panikkar, asks Delhi to strengthen its claim over areas below McMahon Line.
  • 1949: Communists take control of China and establish the People’s Republic of China.
  • 1950: China sends troops to “liberate” Tibet.
  • 1951: India sends a political officer to establish authority over Tawang, where Tibetans owing allegiance to Lhasa protest the effort.
  • 1954: India signs an agreement with Beijing; agrees to Tibet being “a region of China”.
  • 1956: Khampa rebellion erupts in Tibet. Some Tibetan leaders flee and take refuge in Kalimpong.
  • 1958: India raises the issue of the road built by China through Aksai Chin for access to Tibet.
  • 1959: Large-scale uprising breaks out in Tibet, forcing the Dalai Lama and many of his followers to flee Lhasa for India. India raises the boundary issue, formally, with China.
  • 1960: The Nehru-Zhou summit fails to break impasse on the boundary issue.
  • 1962: India, China go to war after Chinese troops move into India territory.
  • 1963: China withdraws unilaterally from much of Indian territory but retains some areas like Aksai Chin in Ladakh.
  • 1979: Indian foreign minister Atal Behari Vajpayee visits China to break long hiatus in ties and renews dialogue.
  • 1988: Rajiv Gandhi undertakes his historic visit to China, brings about a serious thaw in relations.
  • 1996: India and China agree on confidence-building-measures to keep borders tranquil and peaceful.
  • 1998: Renewed tensions in Sino-India ties after Delhi conducts nuclear test and cites China as the main security threat to justify them.
  • 2003: PM Vajpayee travels to China, agrees to the appointment of special representatives for resolving the boundary issue.
  • 2005: Premier Wen Jiabao visits Delhi; India and China enter into a strategic partnership. The leaders agree on the framework for a settlement of the boundary issue on the basis of the “political parameters and guiding principles”; “interests of the settled populations” to be considered before a final agreement. China also shows a new map with Sikkim as part of India.
  • 2006: President Hu Jintao visits India and announces 10 points to further strengthen bilateral ties.
  • 2007: Sonia Gandhi and Rahul visit China and hold wide-ranging talks with leaders in Beijing.
  • 2008: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh travels to Beijing and reaffirms India’s commitment for strong ties with China. Later in the year, China tries to block nsg
    waiver for India.

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Clerical Class Does Not Represent the Indian Muslims

by Saba Naqvi

The Darul Uloom seminary at Deoband continues to have a mesmeric hold on the secular Indian politician.

In November 2009, Indian Union home minister P. Chidambaram was the latest in the long list of political worthies who have found it worth their while to travel to the dusty little town in western Uttar Pradesh, to deliver a meaningful discourse apparently intended to reach Indian Muslims.

Chidambaram is not the first modern/secular Indian politician to address Muslims through clerics. It is one of the great tragedies of the secular experiment in India that the clerical class and their institutions are considered representative of one of the largest Muslim populations. In the process, we bestow legitimacy on the most conservative elements and are actually complicit in increasing the clerical grip on the community.

Chidambaram may well be pondering whether his visit was ill-conceived (there had been attempts to persuade Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh to attend). After all, his presence was noted by the media, but the story was overshadowed by the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind (that controls the largest network of Deoband madrasas) upholding the 2006 fatwa of the seminary opposing the recitation of Vande Mataram.

Deoband is free to oppose anything they want. It is headed by Maulana Mahmood Madani. But I being liberal agnostic who loves the old rendition of Vande Mataram by V.D. Paluskar and is quite taken with the A.R. Rahman version too do not agree with it.

The problem is not in Deoband’s religious interpretations and fatwas. The problem lies in the political class upholding it as the symbol of Muslims who must be cultivated, reassured and, indeed, appeased. The Partition of 1947 should have taught us the dangers of making any one individual or group the sole spokesman of Indian Muslims. Deoband always opposed the Partition and the two-nation theory. But in the modern world, the deeply conservative views the seminary propagates also serve to keep followers of their schools and madrasas in a heightened state of religiosity that then separates them even from fellow Muslims.

Pakistan literally translates into Land of the Pure and we have all seen what has happened to the only Muslim nation actually created in the name of religion. But secular India has hardly dealt with the Muslim minority in an enlightened manner. Instead of helping the community integrate and modernise, the political class has made deals with the clerics. Years of reporting on institutions set up for the apparent welfare and protection of the community have convinced me that the nexus between clerics, politicians and wheeler-dealers has created a small class of “sarkari Musalmans” who are now stakeholders in Muslim backwardness.

Consider the state of the most well known institutions associated with the community. First, the Muslim Personal Law Board, made up of a collection of clerics from various schools of Islam (but dominated by Deobandis) who bury their head in the sand and resist any attempt to even rationalise personal law. They have actually served to ensure that in matters of divorce, maintenance and inheritance, the community is governed by laws and traditions that some Arab countries have rejected. Then there are wakf boards in every state that are meant to develop resources for the community but have simply sold off lands for a song and a fat bribe. There are also minority commissions and Haj committees, all manned by the same type of people, some of whom certainly cut  underhand deals under the garb of Islam.

No mainstream politician would try to reach out to Hindus by simply making speeches from a religious math or seeking the blessings of saints and godmen (though they may also do that). But it is a combination of ignorance and deep cynicism that is actually behind the legitimacy India’s secular politicians have bestowed on the Muslim clergy. The government itself is now paying the price for this. An attempt to create a central madrasa board was  opposed by many Muslim MPs last month. Leading the charge is Maulana Badruddin Ajmal of the AUDF in Assam (also linked to the Deoband school) who has stated clearly that religious madrasas “don’t need any interference in their syllabus or help of the government. The government should focus on madrasas that need their grants.”

Clearly, it’s clerics on top. The politicians, always so nervous about losing Muslim votes, are complicit in this process that only serves to reinforce the stereotype of Muslims as a community of unenlightened mullahs and fanatics.

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Obama Nominates an Indian to Head the USAID

President Obama has nominated Indian-American Rajiv Shah to head the USAID.

If Congress confirms the nomination of Dr. Shah — who is the Under Secretary for Research, Education and Economics and Chief Scientist at the U.S. Department of Agriculture — then he would become the highest ranking Indian-American in any U.S. administration.

Dr. Shah manages the Agricultural Research Service, the Economic Research Service, the National Agricultural Statistical Service and the National Institute of Food and Agriculture in the US Department of Agriculture with more than 10,000 staff worldwide including 2,200 federal scientists and a budget of more than $2.6 billion.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said Dr. Shah is “a leader in the development community, an innovative and results-oriented manager, and someone who understands the importance of providing people around the world with the tools they need to lift themselves out of poverty and chart their own destinies”.

”A trained medical doctor and health economist, Raj has the skills and experience to lead a reinvigorated USAID in the 21st century,” Clinton said. ”He has led and worked with many of the initiatives that are defining best practice in the field of development.”

He has a record of ”delivering results in both the private and public sectors, forging partnerships around the world, especially in Africa and Asia,” she added.

Prior to his work at the Gates foundation, Shah worked on health care policy for the 2000 presidential campaign of former vice president Al Gore.

Dr. Shah is a co-founder of Health Systems Analytics and Project IMPACT for South Asian Americans. In addition, he has served as a policy aide in the British Parliament and worked at the World Health Organisation.

Dr. Shah earned his MD from the University of Pennsylvania Medical School and his Master of Science in health economics at the Wharton School of Business. He has attended the London School of Economics and is a graduate of the University of Michigan

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Is Manmohan Better Than Nehru?

On December 13, 2001, India’s parliament was attacked. Twelve people died, including six policemen and the five attackers. The next day Pakistan’s High Commissioner Ashraf Qazi was summoned to South Block and told that Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaishe Muhammad were responsible.

On December 20, India’s army began mobilizing along the international border at Punjab and Rajasthan to pressure President Musharraf to act against groups operating from Pakistan. On December 27, India banned Pakistani flights over its territory.

On December 31, PM Vajpayee made a speech saying war was being thrust upon India and advising Pakistan to repeat its U-turn on the Taliban with another one on jihadi groups.

On January 11, India’s army chief General S Padmanabhan held a press conference to say that troop deployment was complete, and that his men were ready for war. On January 12, President Musharraf made a speech in which he banned Laskhar and Jaish. He promised that “no organisation would be allowed to carry out terrorism on the pretext of Kashmir”.

In 2003, there were 3,401 incidents of violence in Kashmir. By 2005, this dropped to 1,415. In 2007, this dropped to 900. President Musharraf, reverser of Pakistan’s jihad in Kashmir, is less remembered in India than General Musharraf, adventurer of Kargil.

Recently, a television channel held a poll asking its viewers if India should go to war. Ninety per cent said yes.

Manmohan Singh is thus under pressure from Indians to attack Pakistan. He is under pressure from his colleagues in the Congress Party, his opponents in the BJP and from the media to act.

War with Pakistan is out of the question; the pressure is for mounting strikes against jihadi organisations.

What can he do? He could order strikes at the Markaz Dawa complex in Muridke near Lahore, where the Salafi Lashkar was based before moving to Muzaffarabad.

He could order strikes at the Binori Masjid complex in Karachi, where the Deobandi Jaishe Muhammad was formed under Mufti Nizamuddin Shamzai before his death.

He must consider three things: how will it affect terrorism? How will it affect Pakistan? How will it affect India?

India can again apply military pressure on Pakistan’s leaders but what does it seek this time? Indians want war on Pakistan’s jihadis but war is already upon them. It is being fought between one Pakistan and another Pakistan.

Zardari, Musharraf, the MQM, Kayani, Asfandyar Wali versus the Taliban, Jaish, Lashkar, Baitullah Mehsud, Lal Masjid.

There are neutrals in the war — Nawaz Sharif, Imran Khan, Qazi Hussain Ahmed, Hameed Gul, Fazlur Rehman — and at the moment they are leaning away from Zardari.

On December 27, 2007, Asif Ali Zardari lost his wife Benazir Bhutto to terrorists. General Ashfaq Kayani has lost over 1,000 of his soldiers fighting his own citizens. India is not obliged to help Zardari in Pakistan’s war. But it would be a mistake to help the other side by weakening him. India wants to punish Pakistan but Pakistanis are already paying a heavy price for their mistakes.

Pakistan’s inflation is at 25 percent. It is running out of foreign exchange and is being propped up by the IMF. Its markets have been de-capitalised by Pakistanis sending money abroad. GDP per Pakistani is $623. GDP per Indian is $900.

In 1991, India’s GDP per capita was $328, Pakistan’s was $458. In 1991, India was 28 percent behind Pakistan. In 17 years, India has gone 30 per cent ahead. How did this happen?

For 17 years, four Indian governments have followed what is called Manmohanomics. In this period, four Pakistani governments followed a policy of ’strategic depth’ in Afghanistan till 2001 and jihad in Kashmir till 2002.

 In 2007, India’s GDP grew at 9.1 percent, the second highest in the world. In this period, it shrugged off dozens of terror attacks including the Bombay train blasts which killed 209 people in 2006.

In the last five years, India created 11 million new jobs every year, the highest in the world and more than the job growth in China, Brazil and Russia combined. Every year, India pulls one percent, 10 million — one crore — of its population out of poverty.

This has happened with a single focus on economy.

War, through all sorts of terrorism, and foreign policy has not been our concern.

One man began dismantling India’s Nehruvian economy 17 years ago. He did it not because his party had any mandate to do this from the population: India votes for identity, not policy or governance. He did it because he believed that was the right thing for India.

That man, Dr Manmohan Singh, will go down in our history as the single most influential politician in India. More than Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and Atal Behari Vajpayee. More even than the great Nehru.

Hundreds of millions of Indians have a better life in 2008 than they did in 1991 because of Manmohan Singh. Indians laugh at Manmohan Singh because he’s dependent on Sonia Gandhi. L K Advani called him India’s weakest PM. The ability to craft and deliver world-class policy did not win him our gratitude: Manmohan Singh cannot even win his own election. He lost the Lok Sabha election from South Delhi in 1999 and had to be nominated to the Rajya Sabha from Assam.

But Narasimha Rao’s wisdom made him the finance minister and Sonia Gandhi’s wisdom made him PM. Born in Chakwal, Singh is an economist trained at Cambridge and Oxford. His doctorate was on self-sustained growth in India, but he has decided that India can only grow if it embraces the world.

In the era of Manmohanomics, India’s moralistic foreign policy has been abandoned in favour of pragmatism. Its anti-Americanism has disappeared. He holds the most enlightened views, which are brought out only when he’s interviewed by foreign journalists.

He was asked why in 1991 he had agreed to take a job — of liberalising India’s economy — that his peers were convinced would make him a scapegoat. He said: “If I fail, that’s of no great consequence. And who fails if India wins?”

Nehru and Ambedkar fought against bigotry. India’s pluralist constitution is a tower of white light amid a subcontinent of religious and ethnic nationalisms. Manmohan Singh is fighting against poverty and illiteracy. Indians must let him win this war he has been so good at fighting for them. India cannot be distracted by its legitimate anger into action that will have consequences it cannot control Manmohan Singh must be lonely as he looks out at his people, who are urging him to get even with Pakistan. And in the process damage the work for which he should be cherished and honoured in our country and in the world.

India’s Human Development Index, the status of its population’s life expectancy, literacy, health and economy is .619. In another generation, in the lifetime of many of us, India can achieve an index value of .9 at which stage it will be a developed country.

Now that’s a war worth fighting and winning.

The writer, Aakar Pate, is a former newspaper editor who lives in Bombay. Email: aakar.patel@gmail.com

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Hindustan Unilever Limited Sued for the Inability to Attract a Single Girl

Unable to attract even a single girl Frustrated man sues

Clip_333312In what could prove to be a major marketing and legal embarrassment for Hindustan Unilever Limited (HUL), a 26-year-old man has filed a case against the FMCG company, which owns the Axe brand of men grooming products, for ‘cheating’ and causing him ‘mental suffering’.

The plaintiff has cited his failure to attract any girl at all even though he’s been using Axe products for over seven years now.

Axe advertisements suggest that the products help men in instantly attracting women.

Vaibhav Bedi, the petitioner, also surrendered all his used, unused and half-used deodorant sprays, perfume sticks and roll-ons, anti-perspirants, aftershaves, body washes, shampoos, and hair gels to the court, and demanded a laboratory test of the products and narcotics test of the brand managers of Axe.

Vaibhav was pushed to take this step when his bai (maid) beat him with a broom when he tried to impress her by appearing in front of her after applying all the Axe products.

 No girl ever asked Vaibhav to call her

“Where the **** is the Axe effect? I’ve been waiting for it for over seven years. Right from my college to now in my office, no girl ever agreed to even go out for a tea or coffee with me, even though I’m sure they could smell my perfumes, deodorants and aftershaves. I always applied them in abundance to make sure the girls get turned on as they show in the television. Finally I thought I’d try to impress my lonely bai who had an ugly fight with her husband and was living alone for over a year. Axe effect my foot!” Vaibhav expressed his unhappiness.

Vaibhav claims that he had been using all the Axe products as per the company’s instructions even since he first bought them. He argued that if he couldn’t experience the Axe effect despite using the products as directed, either the company was making false claims or selling fake products.

“I had always stored them in cool and dry place, and kept them away from direct light or heat. I’d always use a ruler before applying the spray and make sure that the distance between the nozzle and my armpit was at least 15 centimeters. I’d do everything they told. I even beat up my 5-year-old nephew for coming near my closet, as they had instructed it to keep away from children’s reach. And yet, all I get is a broom beating from my ugly bai.” Vaibhav expressed his frustration.

Vaibhav claims that he had to do go a lot of mental suffering and public humiliation due to the lack of Axe effect and wants HUL to compensate him for this agony.

An advocate in Karkardooma court, who happened to mistake Vaibhav for some deodorant vendor when he entered the court premises with all the bottles, has now offered to take up his case in the court. HUL has been served a legal notice in this regard.  

 HUL has officially declined to comment on the case citing the subject to be sub judice, but our sources inform that the company was worried over the possible outcomes of the case. The company might argue that Vaibhav was hopelessly unattractive and unintelligent and didn’t possess the bare minimum requirements for the Axe effect to take place.

Officially HUL has not issued any statement, but legal experts believe that HUL could have tough time convincing the court.

 “HUL might be tempted to take that line of argument, but it is very risky. There is no data to substantiate the supposition that unattractive and unintelligent men don’t attract women. In fact some of the best looking women have been known to marry and date absolutely ghoulish guys. I’d suggest that the company settles this issue out of court.” noted lawyer Ram Jhoothmalani said.

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Do the Mentally Retarded ve the Right to Refuse Abortion After Rape?

foetal_attraction_thumb_200Do the mentally retarded have the right to take their own decisions? Whether or not there exist support systems that should equip them to take informed ones?

The Indian Supreme Court judgement in September 2009 on a contentious issue—whether a mentally retarded orphan can decide whether or not to deliver a child conceived from rape—has raised more questions than it has answered.  

The matter relates to a 19-year-old girl living in a state-run orphanage in Chandigarh who was raped a few months ago by the very guards who stand watch at the facility. The resulting pregnancy and the question of whether the foetus should have been aborted “in the best interest” of the girl has got lawyers, administrators, jurists and disability activists across the country in a tizzy.

In its much-awaited verdict, which took the line that the pregnancy should continue, the Supreme Court has relied mainly on the fact that this girl, who is mentally retarded, “consented” to bearing the child.

In not permitting the Chandigarh administration to terminate the girl’s pregnancy, the apex court took two factors into account. Firstly, it interpreted the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971, as respecting “the personal autonomy” of mentally retarded persons above the age of 18, stating that while, under the Act, a guardian can make decisions on behalf of mentally ill persons, “the same cannot be done on behalf of a mentally retarded person”.

Secondly, since the Chandigarh girl was close to the 20-week limit for terminating a pregnancy when the matter reached the SC, such a late abortion could have endangered her life.  

Some have hailed the judgement as “forward-looking” because, for the first time, it takes the consent of a mentally retarded woman into account in determining whether she can deliver a baby. Chairperson of the National Trust for Welfare of Persons with Autism, Cerebral Palsy, Mental Retardation and Multiple Disabilities, stresses that it reflects a shift away from the old thinking that persons with intellectual disability cannot take decisions. However, while she welcomes “the recognition of their legal capacity”, she adds that the mentally retarded need to be provided support to enable them to take proper decisions.

That such support was conspicuous by its absence in the case of the Chandigarh girl, said to have a mental age of between 7 and 9 years, partly explains the controversy over the SC judgement. Even after the rape was widely reported in the media, no institution came to her assistance to counsel her about the implications of motherhood. The SC has taken her childlike desire to give birth to the baby because she saw it as a playmate or toy as “consent”, rejecting the view of a specially constituted committee of psychiatrists, doctors and social workers which expressed reservations about her capacity to take independent decisions.

The problem lies in determining her point of view. The law requires that she be supported in every way possible so that she makes an informed decision. If the woman’s point of view can’t be determined, then the guardian or the court must take a decision in the best interest of the woman.

This is where things become muddled. The National Trust Act, 1999, provides for a legal guardian for people over 18 with mental disability (a term that covers both the mentally retarded and the mentally ill) if they need one, but the Supreme Court judgement clearly states that the mentally retarded do not require such guardians. Moreover, it does not differentiate between mild or severe retardation.

Says a senior counsel for the Chandigarh administration who argued the case in the SC, “The SC judgement errs in making a distinction between the mentally ill and the mentally retarded. The distinction is more legal than scientific and would break down completely in the case of severe and profound retardedness.”

Some disability activists, are not just disturbed, but actually angry with the judgement. “Would any of us have been willing to carry on with a pregnancy conceived out of rape?” one asks .

Questions an advocate working with the disabled, “Does this girl know her baby will grow up surrounded by mentally challenged women?”

The one positive implication of the judgement, despite its imperfections in relation to the present case, is that it is at least a step towards seeing mentally retarded girls as capable of leading a normal life, getting married and having children.

Historically, Indian society has always had a male bias on the issue. Mentally retarded boys are married off (often to girls from poorer families than their own), giving them the opportunity to produce children and live fulfilling lives, but mentally retarded women rarely do so, and the foetuses they conceive are usually aborted. The judgement is a shot in the arm for groups working on getting mentally retarded girls married in the face of these biases.

As director of Muskaan, a centre for persons with mental disability, and the mother of a disabled child, points out, “The whole question is about understanding that the disabled are a part of human diversity and enrich the fabric of our society.”

Meanwhile at the Chandigarh ‘Ashreya’ home for the mentally disabled, the rape victim awaits her baby, oblivious of the legal storm swirling around her. Has she been wronged against by those who are purportedly helping her, or given an opportunity to lead a normal life? The jury is still out on that one.

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Indian Muslims Hurting the Muslims Themselves

  • 800 years is how old the institution of Wakf is in India. It began when Muslim rulers donated huge lands for charity.
  • 300,000 is the approximate number of registered Wakf properties in India
  • 4 lakh acres is the land Wakf properties account for. According to the deputy chairman of the Rajya Sabha, K. Rahman Khan, this makes the board the third-largest landholder after the railways and defence.
  • 35 is the number of Wakf boards in India, many of them non-functional
  • 5 is the minimum number of members a board must have. The number, however, varies according to the Muslim population of a state. Members are nominated by ruling parties in each state.
  • Wakf Acts The 1954 and 1995 central laws endow huge powers with the state governments that set up and run Wakf boards in their states

Modus Operandi

Outright sale

  • Builder or businessman identifies a Wakf property
  • They approach members of the board
  • The land is sold for a pittance
  • Board members get their cut

Cheap rent

  • Happens in states where outright sale is not encouraged
  • Builder/ businessman approaches board members
  • The land is given on a ridiculously low lease
  • Land use is changed to facilitate commercial exploitation
  • Members pocket their cuts

Allegations against the board

  • Although Wakf is a national resource to be used to develop institutions and earn income for Muslims, it is so terribly managed that it is the only system where virtually no accountability is demanded
  • Cases of blatant corruption abound. Land is sold off for buildings, hotels, malls or factories for a pittance or given out for shockingly low rents to commercial interests.
  • The boards have become an avenue for political patronage. Muslims who cannot be accommodated in ministries are sent off here. They mostly never do anything for the community. In most cases, they are hand-in-glove with the land mafia and encroachers.
  • The “Islam in danger” sentiment is crudely raised to hoodwink the Muslim public and stop any real scrutiny of the functioning of boards, whose members are out to make a fast buck
  • Ironically, Wakf boards keep claiming properties protected by the ASI as “living” religious shrines. In many cases, there is a clear monetary incentive under the guise of religion.
  • The mess in the boards is also a reflection of the apathy of state governments. Many have not constituted boards; none have carried out a survey of Wakf properties as required by the 1995 Act.
  • As a result of this mess, 70 per cent of Wakf properties are encroached upon, often in connivance with board members or government department overseeing.

Allow encroachments

  • The board covertly encourages Muslims to encroach on a monument. Friday prayers begin to be held on a regular basis. Wakf board then attempts to make it a ‘living’ place of worship. Very often, the encroachers are board members or persons acting on their behalf.
  • Later  surrounding land is sold/ leased as  private property for  commercial  purposes.

***

by Saba Naqvi/ Delhi

Wakf can be described as a religious endowment made in the name of Allah for the benefit of the poor and needy in the Muslim community.

There are approximately 300,000 registered Wakf properties in India on about four lakh acres of land. It is a national resource that should have been developed for the welfare of the community, as it is meant to.

Instead, this resource has been mortgaged, sold and encroached upon with the connivance of the very institutions and individuals responsible for safeguarding it.

The Wakf boards in most states of India are repositories of corruption, in league with land sharks and builders. They continue to get away with the daylight robbery of their own community because, whenever there is any demand for scrutiny, they crudely take cover behind the “Islam in danger” sentiment.

If the Wakf properties were managed properly, many problems of Muslims such as joblessness, lack of education and resultant poverty would have been resolved. Today, even if we presume that 70 percent of these properties have been encroached upon or sold off, even the remaining 30 percent is a huge resource that can be developed.

There is a need for a “total change” in the constitution of the boards and a national Wakf development corporation be set up with professionals at the helm. Imagine what great institutions can be built as the land cost is zero.

Ambani Home Altamount Rd MumbaiBut that is some distance away and will happen only if public awareness about the scale of the problem is created. Currently, those who purport to be leaders of the community are complicit in the conspiracy to rob resources while perpetuating a siege mentality. They want to capture existing institutions and sell them off piece by piece. They are adept at fanning fears and feeding into the victimhood syndrome but quite incapable of building institutions or shepherding the community towards modernity. The 1995 Wakf Act actually increased corruption within the boards. Earlier, any sale or exchange of land had to be cleared by a district judge. But now, the board can pretty much do what it likes, and shocking decisions are taken all the time.

The community itself has not demanded accountability possibly due to a level of ignorance. Can things change? Existing laws must be modified.

The heart of the problem lies in the constitution of the boards. The boards are ill-constituted, not constituted or politically constituted. Often, they’re nothing more than a gang of thieves. Mostly, political hangers-on and operators from the minority community are sent off to man the boards. The policies of successive governments have created a class of “sarkari Musalmans” adept at capturing institutions and bagging positions through which they can patronise others down the pecking order. The incentive they have, besides authority, is to pilfer as much as they can get away with. 

There are enough examples of how a small group of “insiders” at Muslim institutions benefit from the overall laxity in the boards. For instance, there is the case of a member of the Delhi minorities commission running a private school on a large tract of Wakf land in the expensive Nizamuddin area and paying the board a pittance of Rs 1,000 rent per month. 

Section officer in charge of properties in the Delhi Wakf office, admits reluctantly that there are “some schools running on Wakf land but they are not for the poor and charge fees”. Further digging reveals that, two decades ago, Delhi Wakf ran a charitable dispensary but it was shut down. Now the main service they provide is paying salaries of imams attached to masjids

Fatehpuri Mosque, DelhiThere are two revealing cases linked to the huge Fatehpuri mosque in Delhi. What was listed as “Wakf estate number 6540 in masjid Fatehpuri” was occupied by a branch of the Punjab National Bank. The board fought a case and got the property vacated. Subsequently, however, it leased the property to a society headed by one of its own members, a Maulana Moazzam Ahmad. A blatant case of insider trading? Three years ago, a lawyer representing a school running inside the Fatehpuri mosque tried to get a shop at the entrance removed. The Wakf board claimed that the documents relevant for that plot of land were missing—it was widely suspected that the shopkeeper was paying off members. Salman Khursheed also pleads helplessness. “What do we do when the boards let their own properties be encroached upon and then say the documents are missing and they have lost the title deeds?”

That is, in fact, the most common tactic used when the boards are in league with encroachers. RS deputy chairman Rahman Khan says that there is no doubt that almost 70 to 80 percent of Wakf land is encroached upon. Often, it is the government that simply takes over the land. But all too often Muslims themselves are the encroachers who pay off board members to live inside mosques and shrines or run shops and businesses on the premises. “Corruption in the boards is rampant,” says Rahman Khan, “and this is made worse by the attitude of state governments to Muslim institutions. They don’t want to interfere in case there is a reaction and they also don’t care because Muslims are involved.”

Whenever there is an initiative from educated Muslims to preserve a legacy, build an institution or perhaps even introduce modern education, there is a run-in with the Wakf board. The Wakf does not have the instruments to preserve old mosques and we have been arguing that the ASI is better positioned to manage properties. But the problem that enlightened sections of society face is that they run up against monetary interests of a few who hide behind the guise of religion.” K.K. Mohammad is a veteran ASI archaeologist who has worked across India. Now the superintending archaeologist for the Delhi circle, he says, “My experience shows me that whenever people claim protected monuments as living shrines, there is a commercial incentive of occupying the monument or developing the land around it. All communities have people who do this.”

Most old Wakf properties have caretakers who treat it like a personal fiefdom, building houses and businesses and destroying the character of the shrine. Siddiqui has been part of the initiative to preserve the historic Anglo-Arabic school in Delhi’s Ajmeri gate area. He says, “The high court ordered the removal of encroachers (about 50 families) from the heritage property. But the same lot of property dealers, local toughs, interlopers are again trying to move in under the Wakf umbrella.” 

Across the country, there are examples of the huge Wakf mess. West Bengal has many cases of properties being encroached upon and made into little slums. Some examples: 4,000 illegal occupants are in possession of a property in Calcutta known as the Mysore Family Fateha Fund Wakf Estate. Over a hundred mosques in Calcutta and Howrah have been encroached upon. Sixty-four other mosques in the state have been illegally occupied. The story is somewhat different in Andhra Pradesh, which has the largest number of Wakf properties registered in the country. Here the government has simply taken over huge tracts of Wakf lands. For instance, Hyderabad’s hi-tech city stands on Wakf land. There is the interesting case of the government taking over 6,000 acres of land worth Rs 500 crore in Visakhapatnam and allotting 900 acres out of this to NTPC and 800 acres to the Hindujas at the rate of Rs 2.25 lakh per acre. When the Wakf board contested this, the Supreme Court ruled in its favour saying that the land was theirs and transferred it back to them. The government had to then transfer the money to the Wakf board.

Clearly, Wakf is a remarkable resource that can be tapped for the community. In a state like Kerala where people are literate and demand accountability, the board is manned by professionals and headed by two advocates, not by racketeers. Bureaucrats in the ministry of minority affairs in New Delhi cite the work done in Kerala as an example of what is possible. But that is an exception. The norm is rampant corruption, in the firm belief that no one will demand accountability.

More than anything else, the terrible state of Wakf properties in India reflects on the Muslim community’s failure to build institutions. Compare this with the manner in which the tiny Christian minority has preserved and built schools, colleges and hospitals. There is a complex set of reasons for this state of affairs in institutions that purport to work for the welfare of the country’s largest minority and the world’s second-largest Muslim population. In the case of Wakf, many illiterate Muslims just see their placards and presume the land belongs to them. They are encouraged to believe there is some higher religious purpose to Wakf, little knowing that it has become a synonym for daylight robbery. The greatest hypocrisy perhaps is that the men who violate the spirit of charity behind the concept of Wakf then pretend to be devout and pious believers.

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