Archive for Indian Muslims

Clerical Class Does Not Represent the Indian Muslims

by Saba Naqvi

The Darul Uloom seminary at Deoband continues to have a mesmeric hold on the secular Indian politician.

In November 2009, Indian Union home minister P. Chidambaram was the latest in the long list of political worthies who have found it worth their while to travel to the dusty little town in western Uttar Pradesh, to deliver a meaningful discourse apparently intended to reach Indian Muslims.

Chidambaram is not the first modern/secular Indian politician to address Muslims through clerics. It is one of the great tragedies of the secular experiment in India that the clerical class and their institutions are considered representative of one of the largest Muslim populations. In the process, we bestow legitimacy on the most conservative elements and are actually complicit in increasing the clerical grip on the community.

Chidambaram may well be pondering whether his visit was ill-conceived (there had been attempts to persuade Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh to attend). After all, his presence was noted by the media, but the story was overshadowed by the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind (that controls the largest network of Deoband madrasas) upholding the 2006 fatwa of the seminary opposing the recitation of Vande Mataram.

Deoband is free to oppose anything they want. It is headed by Maulana Mahmood Madani. But I being liberal agnostic who loves the old rendition of Vande Mataram by V.D. Paluskar and is quite taken with the A.R. Rahman version too do not agree with it.

The problem is not in Deoband’s religious interpretations and fatwas. The problem lies in the political class upholding it as the symbol of Muslims who must be cultivated, reassured and, indeed, appeased. The Partition of 1947 should have taught us the dangers of making any one individual or group the sole spokesman of Indian Muslims. Deoband always opposed the Partition and the two-nation theory. But in the modern world, the deeply conservative views the seminary propagates also serve to keep followers of their schools and madrasas in a heightened state of religiosity that then separates them even from fellow Muslims.

Pakistan literally translates into Land of the Pure and we have all seen what has happened to the only Muslim nation actually created in the name of religion. But secular India has hardly dealt with the Muslim minority in an enlightened manner. Instead of helping the community integrate and modernise, the political class has made deals with the clerics. Years of reporting on institutions set up for the apparent welfare and protection of the community have convinced me that the nexus between clerics, politicians and wheeler-dealers has created a small class of “sarkari Musalmans” who are now stakeholders in Muslim backwardness.

Consider the state of the most well known institutions associated with the community. First, the Muslim Personal Law Board, made up of a collection of clerics from various schools of Islam (but dominated by Deobandis) who bury their head in the sand and resist any attempt to even rationalise personal law. They have actually served to ensure that in matters of divorce, maintenance and inheritance, the community is governed by laws and traditions that some Arab countries have rejected. Then there are wakf boards in every state that are meant to develop resources for the community but have simply sold off lands for a song and a fat bribe. There are also minority commissions and Haj committees, all manned by the same type of people, some of whom certainly cut  underhand deals under the garb of Islam.

No mainstream politician would try to reach out to Hindus by simply making speeches from a religious math or seeking the blessings of saints and godmen (though they may also do that). But it is a combination of ignorance and deep cynicism that is actually behind the legitimacy India’s secular politicians have bestowed on the Muslim clergy. The government itself is now paying the price for this. An attempt to create a central madrasa board was  opposed by many Muslim MPs last month. Leading the charge is Maulana Badruddin Ajmal of the AUDF in Assam (also linked to the Deoband school) who has stated clearly that religious madrasas “don’t need any interference in their syllabus or help of the government. The government should focus on madrasas that need their grants.”

Clearly, it’s clerics on top. The politicians, always so nervous about losing Muslim votes, are complicit in this process that only serves to reinforce the stereotype of Muslims as a community of unenlightened mullahs and fanatics.

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Indian Muslims Hurting the Muslims Themselves

  • 800 years is how old the institution of Wakf is in India. It began when Muslim rulers donated huge lands for charity.
  • 300,000 is the approximate number of registered Wakf properties in India
  • 4 lakh acres is the land Wakf properties account for. According to the deputy chairman of the Rajya Sabha, K. Rahman Khan, this makes the board the third-largest landholder after the railways and defence.
  • 35 is the number of Wakf boards in India, many of them non-functional
  • 5 is the minimum number of members a board must have. The number, however, varies according to the Muslim population of a state. Members are nominated by ruling parties in each state.
  • Wakf Acts The 1954 and 1995 central laws endow huge powers with the state governments that set up and run Wakf boards in their states

Modus Operandi

Outright sale

  • Builder or businessman identifies a Wakf property
  • They approach members of the board
  • The land is sold for a pittance
  • Board members get their cut

Cheap rent

  • Happens in states where outright sale is not encouraged
  • Builder/ businessman approaches board members
  • The land is given on a ridiculously low lease
  • Land use is changed to facilitate commercial exploitation
  • Members pocket their cuts

Allegations against the board

  • Although Wakf is a national resource to be used to develop institutions and earn income for Muslims, it is so terribly managed that it is the only system where virtually no accountability is demanded
  • Cases of blatant corruption abound. Land is sold off for buildings, hotels, malls or factories for a pittance or given out for shockingly low rents to commercial interests.
  • The boards have become an avenue for political patronage. Muslims who cannot be accommodated in ministries are sent off here. They mostly never do anything for the community. In most cases, they are hand-in-glove with the land mafia and encroachers.
  • The “Islam in danger” sentiment is crudely raised to hoodwink the Muslim public and stop any real scrutiny of the functioning of boards, whose members are out to make a fast buck
  • Ironically, Wakf boards keep claiming properties protected by the ASI as “living” religious shrines. In many cases, there is a clear monetary incentive under the guise of religion.
  • The mess in the boards is also a reflection of the apathy of state governments. Many have not constituted boards; none have carried out a survey of Wakf properties as required by the 1995 Act.
  • As a result of this mess, 70 per cent of Wakf properties are encroached upon, often in connivance with board members or government department overseeing.

Allow encroachments

  • The board covertly encourages Muslims to encroach on a monument. Friday prayers begin to be held on a regular basis. Wakf board then attempts to make it a ‘living’ place of worship. Very often, the encroachers are board members or persons acting on their behalf.
  • Later  surrounding land is sold/ leased as  private property for  commercial  purposes.

***

by Saba Naqvi/ Delhi

Wakf can be described as a religious endowment made in the name of Allah for the benefit of the poor and needy in the Muslim community.

There are approximately 300,000 registered Wakf properties in India on about four lakh acres of land. It is a national resource that should have been developed for the welfare of the community, as it is meant to.

Instead, this resource has been mortgaged, sold and encroached upon with the connivance of the very institutions and individuals responsible for safeguarding it.

The Wakf boards in most states of India are repositories of corruption, in league with land sharks and builders. They continue to get away with the daylight robbery of their own community because, whenever there is any demand for scrutiny, they crudely take cover behind the “Islam in danger” sentiment.

If the Wakf properties were managed properly, many problems of Muslims such as joblessness, lack of education and resultant poverty would have been resolved. Today, even if we presume that 70 percent of these properties have been encroached upon or sold off, even the remaining 30 percent is a huge resource that can be developed.

There is a need for a “total change” in the constitution of the boards and a national Wakf development corporation be set up with professionals at the helm. Imagine what great institutions can be built as the land cost is zero.

Ambani Home Altamount Rd MumbaiBut that is some distance away and will happen only if public awareness about the scale of the problem is created. Currently, those who purport to be leaders of the community are complicit in the conspiracy to rob resources while perpetuating a siege mentality. They want to capture existing institutions and sell them off piece by piece. They are adept at fanning fears and feeding into the victimhood syndrome but quite incapable of building institutions or shepherding the community towards modernity. The 1995 Wakf Act actually increased corruption within the boards. Earlier, any sale or exchange of land had to be cleared by a district judge. But now, the board can pretty much do what it likes, and shocking decisions are taken all the time.

The community itself has not demanded accountability possibly due to a level of ignorance. Can things change? Existing laws must be modified.

The heart of the problem lies in the constitution of the boards. The boards are ill-constituted, not constituted or politically constituted. Often, they’re nothing more than a gang of thieves. Mostly, political hangers-on and operators from the minority community are sent off to man the boards. The policies of successive governments have created a class of “sarkari Musalmans” adept at capturing institutions and bagging positions through which they can patronise others down the pecking order. The incentive they have, besides authority, is to pilfer as much as they can get away with. 

There are enough examples of how a small group of “insiders” at Muslim institutions benefit from the overall laxity in the boards. For instance, there is the case of a member of the Delhi minorities commission running a private school on a large tract of Wakf land in the expensive Nizamuddin area and paying the board a pittance of Rs 1,000 rent per month. 

Section officer in charge of properties in the Delhi Wakf office, admits reluctantly that there are “some schools running on Wakf land but they are not for the poor and charge fees”. Further digging reveals that, two decades ago, Delhi Wakf ran a charitable dispensary but it was shut down. Now the main service they provide is paying salaries of imams attached to masjids

Fatehpuri Mosque, DelhiThere are two revealing cases linked to the huge Fatehpuri mosque in Delhi. What was listed as “Wakf estate number 6540 in masjid Fatehpuri” was occupied by a branch of the Punjab National Bank. The board fought a case and got the property vacated. Subsequently, however, it leased the property to a society headed by one of its own members, a Maulana Moazzam Ahmad. A blatant case of insider trading? Three years ago, a lawyer representing a school running inside the Fatehpuri mosque tried to get a shop at the entrance removed. The Wakf board claimed that the documents relevant for that plot of land were missing—it was widely suspected that the shopkeeper was paying off members. Salman Khursheed also pleads helplessness. “What do we do when the boards let their own properties be encroached upon and then say the documents are missing and they have lost the title deeds?”

That is, in fact, the most common tactic used when the boards are in league with encroachers. RS deputy chairman Rahman Khan says that there is no doubt that almost 70 to 80 percent of Wakf land is encroached upon. Often, it is the government that simply takes over the land. But all too often Muslims themselves are the encroachers who pay off board members to live inside mosques and shrines or run shops and businesses on the premises. “Corruption in the boards is rampant,” says Rahman Khan, “and this is made worse by the attitude of state governments to Muslim institutions. They don’t want to interfere in case there is a reaction and they also don’t care because Muslims are involved.”

Whenever there is an initiative from educated Muslims to preserve a legacy, build an institution or perhaps even introduce modern education, there is a run-in with the Wakf board. The Wakf does not have the instruments to preserve old mosques and we have been arguing that the ASI is better positioned to manage properties. But the problem that enlightened sections of society face is that they run up against monetary interests of a few who hide behind the guise of religion.” K.K. Mohammad is a veteran ASI archaeologist who has worked across India. Now the superintending archaeologist for the Delhi circle, he says, “My experience shows me that whenever people claim protected monuments as living shrines, there is a commercial incentive of occupying the monument or developing the land around it. All communities have people who do this.”

Most old Wakf properties have caretakers who treat it like a personal fiefdom, building houses and businesses and destroying the character of the shrine. Siddiqui has been part of the initiative to preserve the historic Anglo-Arabic school in Delhi’s Ajmeri gate area. He says, “The high court ordered the removal of encroachers (about 50 families) from the heritage property. But the same lot of property dealers, local toughs, interlopers are again trying to move in under the Wakf umbrella.” 

Across the country, there are examples of the huge Wakf mess. West Bengal has many cases of properties being encroached upon and made into little slums. Some examples: 4,000 illegal occupants are in possession of a property in Calcutta known as the Mysore Family Fateha Fund Wakf Estate. Over a hundred mosques in Calcutta and Howrah have been encroached upon. Sixty-four other mosques in the state have been illegally occupied. The story is somewhat different in Andhra Pradesh, which has the largest number of Wakf properties registered in the country. Here the government has simply taken over huge tracts of Wakf lands. For instance, Hyderabad’s hi-tech city stands on Wakf land. There is the interesting case of the government taking over 6,000 acres of land worth Rs 500 crore in Visakhapatnam and allotting 900 acres out of this to NTPC and 800 acres to the Hindujas at the rate of Rs 2.25 lakh per acre. When the Wakf board contested this, the Supreme Court ruled in its favour saying that the land was theirs and transferred it back to them. The government had to then transfer the money to the Wakf board.

Clearly, Wakf is a remarkable resource that can be tapped for the community. In a state like Kerala where people are literate and demand accountability, the board is manned by professionals and headed by two advocates, not by racketeers. Bureaucrats in the ministry of minority affairs in New Delhi cite the work done in Kerala as an example of what is possible. But that is an exception. The norm is rampant corruption, in the firm belief that no one will demand accountability.

More than anything else, the terrible state of Wakf properties in India reflects on the Muslim community’s failure to build institutions. Compare this with the manner in which the tiny Christian minority has preserved and built schools, colleges and hospitals. There is a complex set of reasons for this state of affairs in institutions that purport to work for the welfare of the country’s largest minority and the world’s second-largest Muslim population. In the case of Wakf, many illiterate Muslims just see their placards and presume the land belongs to them. They are encouraged to believe there is some higher religious purpose to Wakf, little knowing that it has become a synonym for daylight robbery. The greatest hypocrisy perhaps is that the men who violate the spirit of charity behind the concept of Wakf then pretend to be devout and pious believers.

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Protest Against Nomination of Narendra Modi as Asian Personality for 2009

From: beena sarwar <bsarwar1@yahoo.co.uk>
To: beena-issues@yahoogroups.com
Tuesday, September 1, 2009 

From: Prashad, Vijay <Vijay.Prashad@ trincoll. edu>

Dear Friends,

As you can see from the letter below, we are writing to Marjorie Scardino, CEO of the Pearson Group, which owns the FT group, which owns FDI magazine. As some of you may know from media coverage, FDI just anointed Narendra Modi “Asian Personality of the Year 2009.” 

Please join us by signing the letter below. The louder the reaction to this, the more chance this outrageous action will be sanctioned.

Please email either Mira or Vijay, or both.

Best Wishes,
Mira Kamdar<mirakamdar@gmail. com>
Vijay Prashad <vijay.prashad@ trincoll. edu>

Clip_2Dear Marjorie Scardino,

We are writing to inform you of what we consider a shocking action taken by one of the publications under the Pearson Group umbrella, an action that begs for your attention. The magazine FDI, of the Financial Times Group, has selected Narendra Modi, the chief minister of the Indian state of Gujarat as its Asian Personality of the Year (2009). This award gives Mr. Modi, whose human rights’ reputation is most troubling, a huge boost of legitimacy where he deserves none. We thought it important that you, as Chief Executive Officer of Pearson Group and as someone associated with organizations that work hard to promote peace and security, including the MacArthur Foundation, know of the damage to FDI’s credibility, and thus to the Pearson Group, this award has caused.

India’s National Commission on Human Rights as well as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have demonstrated the responsibility of Mr. Modi and the government he continues to head for a pogrom against Muslim citizens in his state in 2002 that left some 2,000 men, women and children dead and several hundred thousand citizens homeless. (See the Human Rights Watch report “We Have No Orders to Save You” http://www.hrw. org/en/reports/ 2002/04/30/ we-have-no- orders-save- you). On the basis of these and other reports, the U. S. government denied Mr. Modi a visa to visit the United States in 2005. The United States Commission on Religious Freedom subsequently recommended that he be denied a visa when he applied for one again in 2008, at which point Mr. Modi withdrew his application.

In terms of Mr. Modi’s financial leadership, FDI magazine seems to have missed the many stories that show how despite the consistently high claims about foreign direct investment into Gujarat, the economy has failed to deliver any significant improvement in the lives of the majority of the people who live there. From 1996 to 2006, despite all the hullabaloo about the economic miracle Modi engineered, Gujarat’s position in India’s human development index actually fell in the categories of education, health, child mortality, infant mortality and in the weight of children. Moreover, and this is relevant to the award, the 2002 pogrom led by Modi had a direct effect on investment in Gujarat, which fell from 14.45% of all investment capital in 1995 to 8.78% in 2002, and by 2005 to 7.67%. In addition, one should bear in mind that less than 21% of the memoranda of understanding signed by the Modi government have been acted upon. There is a lot of unexamined fraud involved in the way the MOUs have been taken at face value. Writing in Mint, the Wall Street Journal’s publication in India, Salil Tripathi notes: “It is odd, therefore, to credit Modi with Gujarat’s vibrancy. And it is hard not to blame his government for the colossal failure to protect civilians during the anti-Muslim violence in 2002.” The entire piece bears reading: http://www.livemint .com/2009/ 01/21220308/ The-real- Modi-story. html

Given the above, we are naturally stunned with FDI’s decision to confer upon Narendra Modi, of all people, the Asian Personality of Award of 2009.

We are fully confident that you had no role in this decision. But we hope that you will, in your capacity as CEO of the Pearson Group and as someone whose presence on the board of the MacArthur Foundation indicates you to be someone dedicated to high ethical standards, take immediate action to insure that this award is rescinded and a public statement of regret is made by the responsible publication.

Sincerely,

Mira Kamdar
Vijay Prashad.

cc. Robert Galluchi, President, MacArthur Foundation.

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Indian Muslims Getting Arabised

By Dnyanesh Jathar

At Jharkhand Governor Syed Sibte Razi’s Iftar party last Ramzan, former chief minister Shibu Soren came dressed as an Arab sheikh. He wanted to showcase his secular credentials at the photo-op. And he succeeded, too, as pictures of ‘sheikh Soren’ appeared in the media. But he did not realise that Indian Muslims didn’t wear such dress.

Was he taken in by the Arabisation of the Indian Muslim? Political scientist Ashis Nandy had said in an interview that India was witnessing the Arabisation of Islam. “At one time, Indian Muslims were proud that their Islam represented the best of the world’s traditions. But they are increasingly losing that confidence as a direct product of 19th century European scholars who claimed that West Asian Islam was the real Islam while other strands were influenced by local religions. These scholars endorsed fundamentalist Islam as the real Islam,” Nandy had said. He cited the example of Indonesia where western-educated women felt that the Islam of their parents was not good enough and introduced the hijab. “The same thing is happening in India. Muslims are virtually in uniform with skullcaps and kurta-pyjama,” Nandy said.

3422497555_3421131036_veiled-woman2_newThe metamorphosis has been gradual, but insidious. It has homogenised a religion that once found expression in many local forms across the country, having imbibed regional customs and accommodated religious syncreticism. Over the past three decades, fundamentalists have tried to homogenise Islam. The homogenising towards Arabisation emphasises rituals and codes of conduct over substance and Islam’s universalism.

In Delhi’s Nizamuddin area, many Muslim youth favour the the long, white, shirt-like dress. “It is the dress of our Prophet. It shows your love towards the Prophet,” Abdullah said. The crowd of Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs at the shrine of Sufi saint Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya bears testimony to India’s heritage of religious syncretism. But an elderly Muslim at the entrance of the shrine is distressed by the growing influence of the Jamaat. “They are good Muslims. But they make young kids radical by spreading wrong words about the shrine and insist on particular rituals and dress,” he said. But Abdullah said, “These visitors to the shrine are on the wrong path. Don’t pray to a dead man. Go to the mosque instead.”

Islamic practices have changed. There was  a time when Muslim neighbours spoke the same language and dressed like the Hindus.  There was a healthy interaction between Hindus and Muslims. Boys used to play together and religion was limited within the household. Now language has become the first barrier, with the Muslim youth preferring to speak in Urdu-enriched Hindi. Many don’t even know the local language any more. Why is there a sudden need to assert a homogenous Islamic identity, giving up customs they have lived with for generations?.

The two aspects of Islamic culture in the Middle East are loyalty to the family and clan and a greater loyalty to the religion and the larger community of believers, the Ummah.  But this loyalty to the Ummah should not be misinterpreted.  As per Islamic tenets, loyalty to one’s nation is very important. Identifying with Islamic identities is not supposed to be at the cost of national loyalty. The concept of universal Muslim brotherhood is actually a positive one and should be approached as such. 

There is a resurgence of fundamentalism in Muslim society.  In the past, no Muslim woman from south Kerala wore purdah. It is common now, a direct influence of Wahabi fundamentalism. Eevout Muslims had always wanted to read the Koran in the original language, Arabic.

Mansoor Khan, a Mumbai businessman, cited an Ayat (verse) from the Koran to prove that loyalty to the nation took precedence over loyalty to the Ummah in Islam. “There is a concept which says Hubbul-Watni-Minal-Iman, meaning loyalty, is a basic core of a Muslim. According to it, if you are not loyal to your country you are not loyal to Islam,” he said.

Perhaps, Indian Muslims have been feeling an increasing sense of loyalty to their religion and community because of the forces of globalisation and modernisation and a sense of perceived persecution that intensified as right-wing Hindu nationalism gathered strength. Events like the Babri Masjid demolition heightened their sense of alienation. This feeling also stems from the loss of Islamic power over the country. Muslim kings had ruled the Indian subcontinent for more than half a millennia, till the British colonised it. Dr Sheshrao More, a scholar from Maharashtra and author of Muslim Manacha Shodh (Islam: Maker of the Muslim Mind), argues in another book that the 1857 War of Independence was in fact a jihad waged by Indian Muslims to oust the British and regain lost power.

Globalisation and modernisation have been key factors in the evolution of the Indian Muslim. Indian Muslims have preferred Middle Eastern nations like the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Jordan to seek employment, as they were bound by ties of the Ummah. Gulf earnings helped many of Indian Muslims go for the Haj. The number of those who went to Haj was 31,000 in 1995. In 2000, Air India alone carried 71,924 pilgrims to Jeddah, and last year, the Indian government approved an increase in the number of Haj pilgrims who can get subsidy from 1,10,000 to 1,23,211.  

“Indian Muslims exposed to the Middle East returned influenced by the material progress and lifestyle of the Arab world,” said commentator Muzaffar Hussain. But they were also influenced by the form of Islam practised in the Middle East. As preachers trained there came to India, the first imprints of Arabisation became evident. Shaista Amber, head of the Women Muslim Personal Law Board, however, said the Arabian influences were cosmetic—like using the sacred Aab e zamzam (holy water) for rites, developing a taste for palm dates, or bringing back the janamazi (prayer mat) or taibil (prayer beads).

More said Muslims in urban areas might be becoming more rigid in their observance of Koranic teachings but that did not mean they were getting Arabised. “On the other hand, most Indian Muslims in rural India are like other Indians,” he said.

The migration of Muslims to Saudi Arabia for jobs over the past three decades might have influenced them.  There are obvious changes in the style of burqas women wear and the garb men prefer. Even children are being given more Arabic names. But this is restricted to a few people and is not a huge demographic phenomenon.  

The representation of Muslims in the media was hurting Islam’s image. The accused in the Batla House shootout were shown with their heads covered with the Arabic scarf, as if to show that Arabisation of Islam was taking place. Islam came to this world through the most pious chosen Arab, Prophet Mohammad. This religion was revealed in Arabia at a time when Arabs were entangled in a state of anarchy. They were divided into qabilas and had evil practices like burying girl children. Islam rose out of such social and inhuman practices and became a religion practised worldwide.

According to journalist-commentator Muzaffar Hussain, the lower middle and middle class Muslims in India are less Muslim and more Indian. “But there is now a clash between Indianness and fundamentalism in the mindset of the Indian Muslim. With the growing influence of forces like the Taliban, the core religious corner of their mind says this is how Islam gained supremacy. But another part of them will always identify with their Indian culture and upbringing,” he said.

Islamic scholar Maulana Wahiduddin Khan felt there was an Indianisation of Muslims. “They have finally shed the legacy of the Muslim League and Partition. They don’t believe the Pakistani propaganda that there are no opportunities for Muslims in India,” he said. “Our only bond with Saudi Arabia is that Mecca is there. And that the Koran was first penned in Arabic.”

Mansoor Khan said the Arabs were no longer following true Islam and Arabisation would never take place among Indian Muslims. Said he: “If Arabs were to follow true Islamic law, there would have been democracy in the Arab nations. Our first caliph, after the Prophet, was democratically chosen.”

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Indian Muslims Moving Towards Forming Their Own Parties

A frustration with secular parties has led to a mushrooming of smaller Muslim parties, and not just in Kerala. “We want a political party,” says Rashid Umar, a mill hand, “which will get us education, jobs. The Sachar report held up a mirror and showed the world how badly off Muslims are.” 

Last time, they all voted CPI(M) in West Bengal, this time they are voting for change, like many others in the state. For instance, Muslims at the Dr Salim Memorial School in Uttar Pradesh’s Azamgarh constituency are agonising over the transformation of the Ulema Council (UC) into a political party. The UC’s politics is more protest than ideology—protest against the gunning down of two Azamgarh youth at Batla House last September in Delhi’s Jamia Nagar, and the ensuing spate of indiscriminate arrests of others from the same district. In Azamgarh, it is an election issue, with the UC whipping up the protest vote and cutting into the support base of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)’s Akbar Ahmed. And that’s worrying the local notables. “No political party raised the issue properly, and so,” says Naziruddin, a lawyer, “the UC hijacked it. It should have remained a pressure group, not become a political party.” Some UC candidates, he alleges, are BJP pawns; their speeches are competing in inflammatory content with those of the BJP’s Yogi Adityanath in neighbouring Gorakhpur. “Batla House must be countered, but countered democratically,” stresses Maulana Siddiqui Nadwi, who heads the well-known Shibli Academy here. “If the UC makes a dent,” he adds, “it will be a setback for us. We must live and die together in this country. We have to work through strong secular parties.” 

ClipIt is this angst—and frustration with secular political parties—that has led to a mushrooming of small Muslim parties in these elections. This is no longer restricted to its traditional bastions of Kerala, where the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) has long been a fixture (with at least one MP and a presence in the assembly) or Hyderabad, where the Majlise Ittehadul Muslimeen has held the city’s Parliament seat since 1984, not to mention about a dozen MLAs in the state assembly. The trend began with Maulana Badruddin Ajmal—a perfume seller doubling up as president of the Asom Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind—after he launched the Asom United Democratic Front (AUDF) in 2006. It won 10 seats in the last Assam assembly elections and is now aiming to win three of the state’s 14 LS seats. In UP, apart from the UC, there is the Peace Party of India (PPI); together they’re contesting 38 of UP’s 80 seats, making an impact, particularly in Azamgarh and Khalilabad. The AUDF and UC too are contesting outside their core states.

Then, in West Bengal, the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind’s Siddiqullah Chowdhury, the prime mover against the Left Front government in Nandigram, floated his own party, the pdp. He is now contesting the Bashirhat LS seat, but after he fell out with the Trinamool Congress (TMC), he has been marginalised even among Muslims. 

The TMC has taken centrestage and is benefiting most from the flight of Muslim votes from the LF. In Andhra Pradesh, some Muslims, disillusioned with the Congress and the TDP, are even drifting towards the radical Left, according to G. Hargopal, a retired political science professor at Osmania University. Even in Kerala, where Muslims account for 26.9 per cent of the population and the IUML—an ally of the Congress-led United Democratic Front—has for long been a presence in state politics, the challenge is coming from extreme Islamic outfits. First, the nine-year-long custodial trial and acquittal of People’s Democratic Party (pdp) chairman Abdul Nasser Madani in the 1998 Coimbatore blasts case has added a new dimension to these elections—he has tied up with the CPI(M)-led ruling Left coalition. Then there are the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Popular Front of India too, all pushing the Islamist card, charging the IUML with not being “green” enough. “There is a crisis of confidence in the community. We prefer the secular parties, but the Left is promoting fundamentalist elements,” alleges IUML MLA Kutty Ahmed Kutty. “This,” he continues, “forces us to adopt extreme postures lest we lose our younger flock to extremist outfits.” 

Banking on Muslim votes

These new parties may do well in these elections, but their emergence is symptomatic of what is happening within the community: the tug of war between class interests—education, employment etc—and adopting the path of identity politics, so successfully pursued by parties like the BSP. Indeed, in the just-concluded Lok Sabha polls, issues relating to livelihood and justice have, across the country, been top of the mind for the country’s 160 million-strong Muslim community, along with a strong desire to play a bigger role in the country’s decision-making process. This is a distinct change from the 1990s which saw a heightened consciousness and polarisation centred round “Muslim” issues after the destruction of the Babri Masjid in December 1992.

This is true not just in states such as UP, where the “identity politics” of parties like the SP and the BSP have fired the imagination of the Muslims, but also in Maharashtra. For instance, the UC, for the first time, has fielded a candidate, Maulana Athar Ali, from the prestigious Mumbai South constituency to protest against the fact that the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) gave tickets to very few Muslims. Ali’s campaign was an eye-opener: at street corner meetings, post-namaaz meetings, door-to-door gatherings, he evoked a tepid response when he spoke of riots and the Babri Masjid; the moment he mentioned Sachar and demanded jobs and educational facilities, he None received a rousing reception. The candidate whose prospects he could have damaged is the Congress’s Milind Deora.

But if the desire of Muslims for educational facilities, employment opportunities and greater political representation manifested itself during these elections, terrorism and the police’s ham-handed approach to picking up terror suspects cast an equal shadow over these polls. For instance, incidents of communal violence in Andhra Pradesh may have decreased in the last 15 years, but as Zahid Ali Khan, the TDP candidate from the Hyderabad Lok Sabha seat and editor of the Urdu daily Siasat, points out, “Muslim youth live in fear of the police and the State, especially after the Lumbini Park and Gokul Chaat blasts in 2007.” The police on that occasion reportedly tortured 22 Muslim youth; later, all were acquitted. Similarly, in Mumbai (more than in other parts of Maharashtra), “justice” remains an issue, given the indiscriminate arrests after every terror strike in the last seven years.

Of course, the options before the Muslims differ from state to state. In UP, where the Muslim vote is 18.5 per cent, the choice is between the SP, BSP and the Congress—and while the SP’s Muslim voteshare is slipping, it will still get the largest chunk of the community’s vote this time. In neighbouring Bihar, where the Muslim vote is 17 per cent, the choice is between the Rashtriya Janata Dal-Lok Janshakti Party combine, the Congress and the ruling JD(U). While the RJD has been getting the biggest chunk of Muslim votes from 1990, the JD(U) has tried to cut in, playing the caste card, wooing pasmanda (backward) Muslims, while trying to pretend that the BJP was not its electoral partner. In West Bengal, of course, the community has been the moving force behind the rallying cry for “poriborton” or change. The Left Front, traditionally, got 18 per cent of the 27 per cent Muslim vote: this time, an attrition of even three per cent can make a huge difference for the opposition TMC-Congress combine. Maharashtra’s Muslims (9 per cent statewide, but 15 per cent in Mumbai) voted largely, till the mid-’90s, for the Congress. But the ‘93 riots changed that, with the community backing the SP wherever it put up candidates. However, where the SP does not exist, the community has voted Congress. This time, the presence of the UC and the BSP—which has fielded many Muslims—has made the scene more confused.
Will the secular parties heed the warning signals coming from the community? Or will the Muslim community resolve the confusion in its ranks? In the tiny Muslim-majority village of Parmiqutabpur in UP’s abjectly backward Fatehpur LS constituency, the locals talk of the paucity of irrigation and power facilities. But they also say they send their children—girls and boys—both to the local madrassa as well as a private school for “modern education”. What do they want from the next government for their village? Villager Iqbal Ahmed supplies the answer: “We want progress not just for our village but for the entire country. What’s the use if there is prosperity in my village and the country is burning?” 

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Agenda of the New Indian Government: Social Sector & Governance

Action Ideas: Social Sector

1. Set up ministry for skill development

2. Tackle malnutrition

3. Launch national mission for female literacy

4. Beef up NREGA, launch plan for urban poor

5. Pass Right to Education Bill

6. Amend Land Acquisition Act

7. Act on Sachar Report recommendations

*** 

Action Ideas: Governance

1. Improve delivery system through reform

2. Give extra thrust to e-governance

3. Restore primacy of ministries for speedier implementation of infrastructure projects

4. Complete identity card project

5. Introduce bipartisan selection of CEC, CVC, CAG, IB and RAW directors

***

Action Ideas: Security

1. Draw up action plan to tackle terrorism

2. Implement Tripura’s community-based model to deal with insurgency

3. Look afresh at the Naxalite issue

4. Initiate police reforms

5. Dramatically increase the strength of the police force

***

What should be the agenda of the next Indian government if—along with the growth story—the spotlight is to be kept on the poor, the marginalised and the vulnerable? 

In a country where more than half the population is below 25 (and 70 per cent below 35), the only way to harness this demographic dividend is to create conditions in which this vast body of young people—particularly the socially and educationally disadvantaged majority—becomes employable. The answer could lie in a ministry devoted exclusively to skill development. Currently, the institutional fragmentation between ministries remains an obstacle for employment generation. 

To ensure that women, too, are able to contribute more effectively to the country’s growth story, they must be brought into the enchanted circle of the educated (currently, female literacy is still only at 54 per cent, while male literacy has touched 76 per cent). To fast-forward this effort, the government could consider setting up a National Mission for Female Literacy—besides enacting, without any further delay, the long-pending Right to Education Bill. 

The Sachar Committee Report established the abysmal socio-economic conditions of the Muslims, but little was done to follow it up with correctives, so much so that it was a major talking point for the community in these elections. The Action Plan, including a focus on minority concentration districts and the introduction of diversity at the workplace, must be made a reality. Even here, the major thrust must remain in the area of education. At a time when India’s 160 million Muslims are disenchanted with most political parties and their yearning for modern education and decent jobs has grown, the government should exponentially increase the education scholarships for them. The current 25 lakh scholarships should be multiplied at least four times to make a meaningful intervention. 

Given India’s ambitions to become a superpower, it is something of a shame that the country’s malnutrition crisis has not received the attention it deserves. A recent World Bank Report says that half of all Indian children under four suffer from malnutrition and 60 per cent of all women are anaemic. Currently, it is the Union ministry of women and child development that deals with malnutrition; it should be transferred to the Union ministry of health and urgent steps taken through panchayats to eradicate malnutrition and check the high incidence of anaemia. 

The rural poor were relatively insulated from the global meltdown. Not just that, they were major beneficiaries of social welfare schemes like the NREGA and governmental interventions in agriculture, including kisan credit cards, increase in the support price of foodgrains and the loan waiver. But the urban poor have been neglected, and have been hit hard by the economic crisis. The government could consider the creation of housing projects for this segment. Not only would this revive the housing sector and improve slums, the economic investment could also have political spinoffs. 

If the next five years should be used to consolidate social welfare schemes such as the nregs and the National Health Missions, there is also urgent need to universalise a social security system for the unorganised sector. As Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and big industrial projects become the order of the day, the Land Acquisition Act must be amended without any delay, and the Rehabilitation Bill passed. 

To make all governmental interventions for the aam aadmi effective, the delivery system needs to be overhauled through wide-ranging governance reform, social audit schemes and a thrust on e-governance. 

In the last five years, one area of failure was infrastructure, largely because of the overweening role of the Planning Commission. Authority should be returned to the ministries, PPP (public-private partnership) fundamentalism should end, and the PMO should monitor progress. To end accusations of “political appointments”, there should be bipartisan selection of the election commissioners, the central vigilance commissioner, the comptroller and auditor general and the IB, CBI and RAW directors. The unique identity card project too should also be completed at the earliest. 

Finally, the government must draw up a comprehensive action plan on security. The steps Chidambaram took when he became home minister to tackle terrorism—such as the upgrading of the IB’s multi-agency centre (MAC), the nodal centre on all terrorism-related intelligence—need to be taken forward. A 100-day action plan should be drawn up to institutionalise the system that needs to be put in place. The Tripura’s community-based model should be replicated in other insurgency-affected states; the Salwa Judum in Chhattisgarh should be banned and the government must come up with a more creative solution to tackle the Naxals. Police reforms can no longer be deferred; the strength of the civil police should be increased exponentially to improve policing on the ground—currently, their numbers are woefully small. 

Instead of always looking at issues through the lens of those who have access to the country’s decision-makers, it’s time to look at them through the prism of the disadvantaged as well, something rarely done until the problem reaches crisis proportions, such as in the case of farmers’ suicides. It’s time to bridge the gap between the electors and the elected.

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Why Do Muslims Become Terrorists in India?

clipPolice ruin lives on mere suspicion of terrorist links
By Payal Saxena


Naved Irphan was living a dream. A service engineer at a two-wheeler company, he was awaiting the birth of his first child. But in April 2008, following the arrest of Safdar Nagori, leader of the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), the police detained Naved for two weeks and jailed him for two months. As a result, Naved lost his job and had to be treated for clinical depression.

Naved was lucky, because he was released on bail. Shahid Bhat’s son, Afzal, is in jail for the last eight months. Picked up from his mobile phone repair shop, Afzal was sent to judicial custody after three days in police custody. Shahid applied for bail four times, but to no avail.

The fact that young educated Indians are at times randomly picked up by the police for reasons unexplained and detained for long periods using cooked-up evidence found mention in the article written by the Chief Justice of India K.G. Balakrishnan in the December 2008 issue of Combat Law. “In recent counter-terrorist operations, there have been several reports of arbitrary arrests of individuals belonging to certain communities and the concoction of evidence-such as the production of similarly worded confession statements made before the police-is also problematic since there are fears that such a change will incentivise torture and coercive interrogation by investigative agencies in order to seek convictions rather than engaging in thorough investigation.”

Article 21 of the Indian Constitution guarantees personal liberty, which implies that all governmental action, even in exceptional times, must meet the standards of reasonableness, void of arbitrariness and discrimination. “Coercive interrogation techniques mostly induce false confessions and do not help in preventing terrorist attacks,” said the chief justice.

Top officials, however, insisted they followed the rules. Said deputy commissioner, special cell: “We follow a procedure in detention. We get the evidence and develop it, and only then do we detain a person to verify the information. If it is authentic, the person is booked, and if not, he is let off.” Said deputy commissioner, Ahmedabad: “Some police officers may be doing it at the grassroots level, but in cases of terrorism, we do not pick up people randomly.”

Many lives have been changed, rather ruined, because of illegal detention. Said Shabnam Hashmi, president of Anhad, an organisation working for the rights of minorities. “After every terror activity, the police catch hold of innocent people from one community to earn brownie points. They pick up people in order to create evidence to prove a terrorist activity and reach a stipulated figure of arrestees.”

Some of these educated young men have lost their jobs; kith and kin shun them; society views them as terrorists; and above all, the trauma of being victimised will never leave them. THE WEEK spoke to some such victims. Some were still scared to pose for the camera.

Naved Irphan,
Madhya Pradesh

Naved is wary of the shutter even years after his ordeal. “One day, I got a call from the office of the superintendent of police.” Naved, who was in Bhopal then, said he would be back in Indore in four days. “But two people came to meet me in Bhopal and told me that their officer wanted to meet me immediately. I went with them. Instead of the SP office, they took me to a police station. Taking away my bag and mobile phone, they said their boss would come to see me soon, and he came after an entire day’s wait. He told me that Safdar Nagori had given my mobile number.” Naved defended himself, saying anybody could get his number.

“That is when the cops started hitting me. The next day, I heard one of the officers say that I needed to be taken into custody so that they could get enough arrestees. My parents went to meet the inspector general. After that meeting, I was implicated in a case of unlawful activities.” The police said that Naved was seen distributing SIMI pamphlets. After extending his police custody for six days, the court sent him to jail. “In jail, I was hit with slippers and kept in a seven-foot-wide room.” After two months in jail, Naved was let off, since a charge-sheet could not be filed against him.

But the damage had been done. He had to be treated for clinical depression. “My two-wheeler company asked for my case diary and said that I would get a call if it was convinced of my innocence. I have not got a call till date. I was earning Rs 6.5 lakh a year. And now, the small service centre that I opened is not making any profits.

Dr Junaid,
Andhra Pradesh

Junaid, a student of Unani medicine, dreamt of becoming a successful doctor. “Our college was opposite the Mecca Masjid. The staff and students went there for namaz. On May 18, 2007, as usual, we had gone for namaz, but things that happened there changed my life.”

Twin blasts rocked the mosque that day. Some of Junaid’s friends were hurt and he took them to hospital. Three days after the attack, the police summoned him, saying the deputy commissioner wanted to meet him. He received another call, from the special investigation team, summoning him to the police station.

 

Junaid had no criminal background. “I had also attended workshops and felicitation functions organised by SIMI, but not after 2000, when SIMI was linked to militancy,” he said.

The police, he said, did not hurt him, but warned him of dire consequences if he refused to show up whenever summoned. “I went to Delhi for ten days, during which more blasts took place in Hyderabad. The cops arrested me on my way back. I was dragged to a Tata Sumo, blindfolded and taken to a police post on the outskirts of Hyderabad and kept there for eight days. I was hit with a tyre and belt and given electric shock. They hung me upside down. The police slapped a case of conspiracy against me and took me to jail.

 

“My family has spent lakhs on my case but without any respite. I lost a year, for lack of attendance. My friends and relatives have distanced themselves from me and I still bear the ’suspected terrorist’ tag.”

Aftab Ali Ansari,
West Bengal

Aftab Al Ansari was happy with his simple life as an employee of the state electricity board. “On December 16, 2007, my mother received a call from a ‘loan agent’, who asked for me. She told them when I would be at home. Five days later, some men came over and showed me some papers with my signature-I had not signed it. On December 25, they asked me to meet them at a place. But before I reached that place, five armed men surrounded me. They took me to the outskirts of the city in a car. I was told that a senior officer wanted to talk to me. I was taken to the second floor of a building.”

Aftab says the officers called him ‘Mukhtar’ and showed him snaps and maps of strategic places, which they claimed had been with him. “They alleged that I had links with the terror outfit HuJI. They were sure of what they knew about me and later sent the STF team, which alleged that I was behind the Sankat Mochan temple blasts of March 7, 2006. They beat me up with iron rods and belts.

“I was kept in custody for three days, after which I was taken to court, where they said they had seized RDX, maps and mobile numbers from me. After spending eight days in jail, I was granted bail. Though I did not lose my job, the stigma lingers.”

Rashid Hussain,
Bihar

The Rajasthan Police picked up Rashid Hussain, an electronics engineer, after the Jaipur blasts. “The Special Investigation Team stormed my house and took me away for questioning, though I had helped take the blast victims to hospital and stayed on there to help them.”

Hailing from Patna, Rashid was working in Jaipur as a senior network engineer in the BPO unit of an IT major after graduating in electronic and communication engineering. The SIT reportedly received information from the Bangalore Police that Rashid had extensive contacts with SIMI activists and had prior knowledge of the blasts that claimed 67 lives. Rashid’s father, Shakir Hussain, reader in psychology in a Patna college, said that the suspicion was baseless: “My son was never involved in an anti-social activity. He had an excellent academic record.”

Rashid was beaten up in police custody and forced to admit SIMI connections. “I was held in illegal detention for nine days and made to sign a document which stated that I was released after one day of casual questioning.” Soon after he was let off, his employer sacked him.

Rashid was part of SIMI before the organisation was banned. “This incident has maligned my family’s name,” he said. The software engineer now wants his job back and has sued the company. Said he: “I hope that this ugly chapter of my life is never reopened.”

Dr Amanullah,
Rajasthan

Life was moving at a normal pace for Amanullah when the police stopped him on his way home on June 19, 2008. The Unani doctor was working for the National Rural Health Mission in Pali, Rajasthan.

“The police dragged me out of the bus and snatched my cell phone, and asked me where I had misplaced my previous cell phone. They took me to Beawar town police station and stripped me. I was then taken to the place from where I had bought my previous cell phone. The police accused me to have been involved in the Jaipur blasts. I was in Jaipur on the day of the blasts, as I had to collect some papers related to my MBBS course, which I pursued at Aligarh Muslim University. The police showed my call records and forced me to agree that I was in Jaipur for the blasts.”

Amanullah was summoned again in August. “I was shocked when I was asked to copy a letter they received from the Indian Mujahideen. I was also forced to sign my name. The officer in charge recorded that the handwritings were similar, but released me saying that his conscience did not allow him to register a case against me. “My life has changed. My wife was pregnant when I was detained. She gave birth prematurely. I was suspended from my job for three months. My friends and relatives avoid me.”

Dr Anwar Hussain,
Rajasthan

Getting an internship in AIIMS is every young doctor’s dream. However, the dream turned into a nightmare for Anwar, 22, who interned at AIIMS from November 2006 to January 2007. Hailing from Tonk district of Rajasthan, Anwar went to Jaipur after his internship to prepare for the postgraduate entrance examination. He stayed with his junior in his hostel room.

In May, when serial blats rocked Jaipur, Anwar was in Tonk. In his absence, the police raided his hostel room. “They found the SIM card I had used while in Jaipur and a road map of Delhi that I had used as an intern. They used this as evidence and implicated me in the blasts.

On August 17, the local police called me over and took me to Jaipur. They questioned me the entire day about the Delhi map and the SIM card. The real torture started when I reached home and saw that my name was splashed on all newspapers. I could not write my exam because of the mental trauma.”

Vinod Yadav,
Uttar Pradesh

Vinod Yadav thought he was doing a noble job by helping victims of human rights violations. “We used to conduct protest marches and human rights activities. On October 6, 2008, we took Abu Bashar’s (accused in the Delhi blasts of September 13) brother to Lucknow. We then carried out a protest in Azamgarh, whose theme was, ‘Azamgarh is not a nursery of terrorism’.

While he was travelling back to Lucknow on October 23, armed men entered the coach at Faizabad station. “As we got off at Lucknow, they caught me and a few friends, and took us to Alamnagar station. They beat us with rods and slippers, and asked me how I got in touch with reporters and the families of those accused of terror activities. I was produced in court and remanded to judicial custody for 14 days. I was granted bail a week later. I am not into much activity these days, as my friends and relatives have distanced themselves. Even reporters maintain a distance.”

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Indians are Different from Pakistanis

cid_42878174752web56611mailre3yahoo1By Vir Sanghvi

 

Few things annoy me as much as the claim often advanced by well-meaning but woolly- headed (and usually Punjabi) liberals to the effect that when it comes to India and Pakistan , “We’re all the same people, yaar.”  This may have been true once upon a time. Before 1947, Pakistan was part of undivided India and you could claim that Punjabis from West Punjab (what is now Pakistan ) were as Indian as, say, Tamils from Madras .

 

But time has a way of moving on. And while the gap between our Punjabis (from east Punjab which is now the only Punjab left in India) and our Tamils may actually have narrowed, thanks to improved communications, shared popular culture and greater physical mobility, the gap between Indians and Pakistanis has now widened to the extent that we are no longer the same people in any significant sense.

 

This was brought home to me most clearly by two major events over the last few weeks.

The first of these was the attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team on the streets of Lahore . In their defence, Pakistanis said that they were powerless to act against the terrorists because religious fanaticism was growing. Each day more misguided youngsters joined jihadi outfits and the law and order situation worsened.

 

Further, they added, things had got so bad that in the tribal areas the government of Pakistan had agreed to suspend the rule of law under pressure from the Taliban and had conceded that sharia law would reign instead. Interestingly, while most civilised liberals should have been appalled by this surrender to the forces of extremism, many Pakistanis defended this concession.

 

Imran Khan (Keble College, Oxford, 1973-76) even declared that sharia law would be better because justice would be dispensed more swiftly! (I know this is politically incorrect but the Loin of the Punjab ’s defence of sharia law reminded me of the famous Private Eye cover when his marriage to Jemima Goldsmith was announced. The Eye carried a picture of Khan speaking to Jemima’s father. “Can I have your daughter’s hand?” Imran was supposedly asking James Goldsmith. “Why? Has she been caught shoplifting?” Goldsmith replied. So much for sharia law.)

 

The second contrasting event was one that took place in Los Angeles but which was perhaps celebrated more in India than in any other country in the world. Three Indians won Oscars: A.R. Rahman, Resul Pookutty and Gulzar.

 

Their victory set off a frenzy of rejoicing. We were proud of our countrymen. We were pleased that India ’s entertainment industry and its veterans had been recognised at an international platform. And all three men became even bigger heroes than they already were.

But here’s the thing: Not one of them is a Hindu.

 

Can you imagine such a thing happening in Pakistan ? Can you even conceive of a situation where the whole country would celebrate the victory of three members of two religious minorities? For that matter, can you even imagine a situation where people from religious minorities would have got to the top of their fields and were, therefore, in the running for international awards?

 

On the one hand, you have Pakistan imposing sharia law, doing deals with the Taliban, teaching hatred in madrasas, declaring jihad on the world and trying to kill innocent Sri Lankan cricketers. On the other, you have the triumph of Indian secularism.

 

The same people?

Surely not.

We are defined by our nationality. They choose to define themselves by their religion.

But it gets even more complicated. As you probably know, Rahman was born Dilip Kumar. He converted to Islam when he was 21. His religious preferences made no difference to his prospects. Even now, his music cuts across all religious boundaries. He’s as much at home with Sufi music as he is with bhajans. Nor does he have any problem with saying ‘Vande Mataram’.

Now, think of a similar situation in Pakistan . Can you conceive of a Pakistani composer who converted to Hinduism at the age of 21 and still went on to become a national hero? Under sharia law, they’d probably have to execute him.

 

Resul Pookutty’s is an even more interesting case. Until you realise that Malayalis tend to put an ‘e’ where the rest of us would put an ‘a,’ ( Ravi becomes Revi and sometimes the Gulf becomes the Gelf), you cannot work out that his name derives from Rasool, a fairly obviously Islamic name.

 

But here’s the point: even when you point out to people that Pookutty is in fact a Muslim, they don’t really care. It makes no difference to them. He’s an authentic Indian hero, his religion is irrelevant.

 

Can you imagine Pakistan being indifferent to a man’s religion? Can you believe that Pakistanis would not know that one of their Oscar winners came from a religious minority? And would any Pakistani have dared bridge the religious divide in the manner Resul did by referring to the primeval power of Om in his acceptance speech?

 

The same people?

Surely not.

Most interesting of all is the case of Gulzar who many Indians believe is a Muslim. He is not. He is a Sikh. And his real name is Sampooran Singh Kalra.

So why does he have a Muslim name?

 

It’s a good story and he told it on my TV show some years ago. He was born in West Pakistan and came over the border during the bloody days of Partition. He had seen so much hatred and religious violence on both sides, he said, that he was determined never to lose himself to that kind of blind religious prejudice and fanaticism.

 

Rather than blame Muslims for the violence inflicted on his community — after all, Hindus and Sikhs behaved with equal ferocity — he adopted a Muslim pen name to remind himself that his identity was beyond religion. He still writes in Urdu and considers it irrelevant whether a person is a Sikh, a Muslim or a Hindu.

 

Let’s forget about political correctness and come clean: can you see such a thing happening in Pakistan ? Can you actually conceive of a famous Pakistani Muslim who adopts a Hindu or Sikh name out of choice to demonstrate the irrelevance of religion?

My point, exactly.

What all those misguided liberals who keep blathering on about us being the same people forget is that in the 60-odd years since Independence, our two nations have traversed very different paths.

 

Pakistan was founded on the basis of Islam. It still defines itself in terms of Islam. And over the next decade as it destroys itself, it will be because of Islamic extremism. India was founded on the basis that religion had no role in determining citizenship or nationhood. An Indian can belong to any religion in the world and face no discrimination in his rights as a citizen. It is nobody’s case that India is a perfect society or that Muslims face no discrimination. But only a fool would deny that in the last six decades, we have travelled a long way towards religious equality. In the early days of independent India , a Yusuf Khan had to call himself Dilip Kumar for fear of attracting religious prejudice.

 

In today’s India , a Dilip Kumar can change his name to A.R. Rahman and nobody really gives a damn either way.  So think back to the events of the last few weeks. To the murderous attack on innocent Sri Lankan cricketers by jihadi fanatics in a society that is being buried by Islamic extremism. And to the triumphs of Indian secularism.

 

Same people?

Don’t make me laugh.

 

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India’s 20 Most Wanted

dawood_20081215

Kashmir Terrorists

Masood Azhar: (Head of Jaishe Mohammad)

Crime: Principal accused in the attack on Parliament
Location: Bahawalpur, Pakistan

 

Hafiz Mohammed Saeed: Heads the Jamaat-ud-Dawa and is the patron of Lashkare Toiba

 

Mushtaq Ahmad Zargar: (Jaish-e-Mohammad)
Crime: Terrorist and anti-national activities
Location: Lahore 

 

Sheikh Mohammed Omar: (Earlier with Hizbul Mujahideen)
Crime: Terrorist activities
Location: Karachi, released with above, & Masood Azhar, in Kandahar hostage swap

 

Syed Salahuddin: (Head of Hizbul Mujahideen)
Crime: Terrorist and anti-national activities
Location: Muzaffarabad, PoK

 

Abdul Karim Tunda: (Lashkare Toiba)
Crime: Bomb blasts in northern India and terrorist activities in Kashmir
Location: Rawalpindi 

 

Abdul Hamid Wani: (Commander of Hizbul Mujahideen for Lar-Ganderbal area)
Crime: Involved in murders and bomb blasts
Location: Lahore

 

Abdul Majid Dar: (Dy Supreme Commander, Hizbul Mujahideen)
Crime: An explosives expert accused of attacking security forces
Location: Multan

ibrahim_akhtar_mistri_zahoor_shahid_akhtar_20081215

Kandahar Hijacking

Ibrahim Athar:
Crime: Involved in IC-814 hijacking, kidnapping, murder and other crimes in Kashmir
Location: Bahawalpur 

 

Shahid Sayeed Akhtar:
Crime: Involved in IC-814 hijacking and terrorist activities in Kashmir
Location: Karachi

 

Mistri Zahoor Ibrahim:

Crime: Involved in IC-814 hijacking
Location: Karachi

 

Azhar Yusuf:

Crime: Involved in IC-814 hijacking
Location: Bahawalpur, Pakistan

 

Shakir Mohammed:
Crime: Involved in IC-814 hijacking
Location: Sukkur in Sindh, Pakistan

 

Sunny Ahmed Qazi:
Crime: Involved in IC-814 hijacking
Location: Karachi

 

 

Bombay Blasts – Dawood Ibrahim Gang

Dawood Ibrahim:
Crime: Masterminded Bombay blasts; biggest underworld figure
Location: Karachi and Dubai

 

Chhota Shakeel: Dawood’s right-hand man and an accused in the ’93 explosions

 

Ibrahim Mushtaq ’Tiger’ Memon: D-Company member, the brothers organised the blasts

 

Ayub Memon: D-Company members, the brothers organised the blasts

 

Ibrahim Abdul Razak:
Crime: Bombay blasts and other anti-national activities
Location: Karachi and Dubai

 

Mohammed Ahmed Dosa:
Crime: Bombay blasts, gun-running, attacks on Maharashtra police
Location: Karachi, Dubai

 

Mohammed Shafi Memon:
Crime: Bombay blasts; narcotics overlord
Location: Karachi, Dubai, Rawalpindi

 

Sagir Sabir Ali Shaikh:
Crime: Conspiracy to target the Union home minister
Location: Karachi, Dubai, Rawalpindi

 

Yusuf Abdul Razak Memon:
Crime:Deeply involved in planning and executing Bombay blasts
Location: Karachi, Dubai and Rawalpindi
 abdul_razza_200812151

Abdul Razza: Accused in the Mumbai blasts  

 

Ishaq Atta Hussain: Member of the D-gang, accused in a conspiracy to kill former deputy PM L.K. Advani

  

Sagir Sabir Ali Sheikh: Member of the D-gang, accused in a conspiracy to kill former deputy PM L.K. Advani

 

Khalistan Movement

Ranjit Singh Neeta:

Belong to different Khalistani outfits, accused in terror cases.

 

Paramjit Singh Panjwar:

Belong to different Khalistani outfits, accused in terror cases.

 

Lakhbir Singh Rode:

Belong to different Khalistani outfits, accused in terror cases.  

 

Wadhawa Singh Babbar:

Belong to different Khalistani outfits, accused in terror cases.

 

Gajinder Singh:

Belong to different Khalistani outfits, accused in terror cases.

 

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Was Dawood Ibrahim involved in the Mumbai Attacks?

Jeremy R. Hammond
Foreign Policy Journal
December 21, 2008

dawood-ibrahimIndian police last week arrested Hassan Ali Khan, who was wanted for investigations into money laundering and other illicit activities, and who is also said to have ties to Dawood Ibrahim, the underworld kingpin who evidence indicates was the mastermind behind the terrorist attacks in Mumbai last month.

Ibrahim is also alleged to have close ties with both Pakistan’s Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI) agency and the CIA.

Another character linked to the CIA whose name is now beginning to figure into the web of connections between the Mumbai attacks, criminal organizations, and intelligence agencies is Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, of Iran-Contra infamy. Khashoggi has been implicated in arms deals with drug traffickers and terrorist groups, including within India.

Dawood Ibrahim is a known major drug trafficker whom India claims is being protected by Pakistan. As Foreign Policy Journal previously reported, there are also some indications that the CIA has a similar interest in preventing Ibrahim from being handed over to India. Ibrahim is wanted by India for the recent Mumbai attacks as well as for bombings that occurred there in 1993.

Ibrahim is a native of India who rose through the ranks of the criminal underworld in Bombay (now Mumbai). According to media reports in India, he got his start as an undercover informant for the police at a young age and thus has an intimate knowledge of Indian law enforcement and intelligence, and is alleged to have fostered close ties with individuals within the political system.

Another known associate of Ibrahim’s in Mumbai, Mohammed Ali, is suspected of assisting the terrorists, who were met by an individual in Uran before continuing on to Mumbai, where inflatable rubber dinghies had been arranged to take them ashore by the same individual. Numerous earlier press accounts indicated that the dinghies, along with other logistical assistance, were provided by an associate of Ibrahim’s.

The Times of India, for instance, reported on November 28 that according to police sources the Mumbai attack “was enabled by the Dawood Ibrahim gang“, and that “It would not have been possible to carry out a terror operation on this scale without a collaborative local network and this was provided by the D Gang. As the terrorists had entered via the sea, the needle of suspicion is clearly pointing at Mohammed Ali, the new poinstman of Dawood.”

Yet Indian news reports indicate that officials have been slow to act against Hassan Ali Khan, and Mohammed Ali continues smuggling operations out of Mumbai for Ibrahim’s crime syndicate, D-Company, completely unmolested by Indian investigators and law enforcement.

As the November 28 Times of India article observed, Ali “is known to indulge in smuggling of diesel, petroleum, naptha, drugs and arms with impunity and it appears that the terrorists had used his networks to enter the city by the sea route…. Despite having a detailed dossier on him, the authorities have not taken any action against him. What is more worrying is that Ali is believed to have also penetrated naval intelligence.”

A further report from the Times of India on December 4 noted that Dawood Ibrahim is “sitting pretty in Karachi” under the protection of Pakistan and his “hawala channel between Mumbai and Karachi remains busy”.But central agencies question why the Maharashtra government has not taken any action against the D-company here.”

“‘What’s the point of asking Islamabad to hand over Dawood when we’re not doing anything to destroy his empire in Mumbai and other places in India?’ a senior official asked.”

The article observed that Mohammed Ali “continues to operate with impunity.

Again, on December 11, Times of India reported that “Mumbai police has still not called Ali for questioning”, adding that “Ali is also known to have the backing of two powerful politicians of south Mumbai and that could be the reason why he is still untouched.”

In addition to links to Ibrahim, both men are also alleged, like Ibrahim himself, to have ties to political officials in India, and there are numerous other indications emerging that the attacks were assisted by elements within India being protected by the political establishment.

Hassan Ali Khan

India’s Daily News & Analysis reported last week that it appears Hassan Ali Khan “was part of a multi-crore [Indian numerical unit equivalent to ten-millions] hawala syndicate racket and may have joined hands with the organized crime operated by underworld don Dawood Ibrahim. He is also suspected to have funded terror organizations.”

India’s Enforcement Directorate (ED) “had also told the Bombay High Court that there were indications that Ali was part of a strong international crime syndicate with money flowing in from ‘proceeds of heinous crimes like terrorism, arms trade, gun running, corruption and organized forgery’.”

A series of news reports from March 2007 in the Times of India revealed that Khan was being investigated for money laundering and other illicit activities. A laptop recovered from his home showed that he had accounts at a Swiss bank. Khan had reportedly tried to take advantage of tax waivers granted on investments originating outside India in countries with double taxation avoidance agreements with India. The funds were also be used to invest in the stock market.

Khan would send funds abroad through illegal channels and re-route them into India through shell companies in countries with such a tax arrangement with India. According to the Times of India, “Khan has no known sources of income in India but owns stud farms and often travels abroad.” His wealth is estimated to be in the billions, and he owns property in Mumbai and Pune.

Investigators from the Enforcement Directorate (ED) “had crucial input from the Intelligence Bureau, which was concerned about this unaccounted money having implications for national security.”

One of the countries used to route money back into India was Mauritius, an island chain off the east coast of Africa near Madagascar and a former British colony. The UK still maintains a military presence there. It expelled the inhabitants of the island of Diego Garcia in order to turn it into a military base, which has also been used by the US for its own military operations.

According to reports, prior to the terrorist attacks in Mumbai, a team had been sent ahead and checked into the Taj Mahal hotel, one of the key targets of the attacks, and established a control room where they had food, weapons, and other supplies waiting in anticipation of the siege of the hotel by police and special forces. An identification card from Mauritius was used to check into the room.

Hassan Ali Khan has an interest in horse-racing and trades in thoroughbreds. The Times of India reported that “he had attracted attention on the Pune racing turf where he surfaced about five years ago as a small-time punter who suddenly became one of the biggest players. His contacts, by default, were with some of the top industrialists who have an interest in horse-trading.”

Last February, the Hindustan Times reported that the Swiss bank involved in the money transfers, USB (United Bank of Switzerland) AG, was reluctant to assist Indian investigators, and the investigation had been stalled as a result. The ED had advised the Indian government not to approve a plan by UBS AG to buy Standard Chartered Bank, an Indian mutual fund business, because of its lack of cooperation in tracking Khan’s money transfers. According to the ED, Khan had $8 billion in the bank’s accounts.

Adnan Khashoggi

The Hindustan Times also revealed that there was evidence that Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi of Iran-Contra infamy had transferred $300 million to Khan from a Chase Manhattan bank account in New York. It added that Khashoggi’s “arms supplies to Tamil terrorists, the LTTE, were revealed during an investigation into the 1991 assassination of Rajiv Gandhi.”

Khashoggi acted as a middle-man during the Iran-Contra affair, brokering an arrangement for Israel to sell US arms from its own stockpiles to Iran. The CIA then channeled money from the sales to the Contras in support of their terrorist war against the democratically-elected government of Nicaragua. The World Court later condemned the United States for the “unlawful use of force” – a euphemism for international terrorism or the even greater crime of a war of aggression.

Investigative journalist Wayne Madsen recently reported that, according to Asian intelligence sources, Khashoggi was also involved with the CIA in an effort to support Bosnian Muslims that “brought [Dawood] Ibrahim and [Osama] Bin Laden into the same big CIA tent, along with Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, a key Iran-contra figure in George H. W. Bush’s global arms smuggling venture while he served as Vice President under Ronald Reagan. There have been reports that Ibrahim considers Khashoggi to be a hero figure.”

In 1991, a Defense Intelligence Agency report listed Khashoggi as “An international arms trafficker who allegedly has sold arms to the Colombian drug traffickers, especially to the Medellin Cartel.”

 

The DIA report also listed Washington’s man in Columbia, Alvaro Uribe Velez, as “A Colombian politician and senator dedicated to collaboration with the Medillin Cartel at high government levels. Uribe was linked to a business involved in narcotics activities in the US…. Uribe has worked for the Medillin Cartel and is a close personal friend of Pablo Escobar Gaviria.”

Uribe is now the President of Colombia, which receives enormous amounts of US financing and military support, surpassed perhaps only by US support for Israel, Egypt, and now Iraq.

Manuel Noriega was another infamous narcotics trafficker and CIA asset, as well as a graduate of the School of Americas (SOA), which has since changed its name to the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation (WHINSEC). The SOA was responsible for training numerous Latin American dictators and military commanders who were responsible for torturing, murdering, or otherwise “disappearing” countless political opponents and other individuals.

Colombia is also another case where the government has been caught red-handed staging false-flag terrorist attacks. In the late 1970s, a series of bombings, kidnappings, and assassinations against leftist targets was carried out by a terrorist group known as the American Anti-Communist Alliance (AAA or Triple-A). Documents available online at the George Washington University National Security Archives confirm that Triple-A “was secretly created and staffed by members of Colombian military intelligence in a plan authorized by then-army commander Gen. Jorge Robledo Pulido.”

John Perkins, author of Confessions of an Economic Hitman, wrote in his follow-up book The Secret History of the American Empire that a second lieutenant in the US army sent to Colombia to establish a “United States-commanded Southern Unified Army” told him, “Everything we do in Colombia just makes it more attractive for the drug business. Why do you think the situation keeps getting worse there? Because we want it to, we’re behind the drug trafficking. The CIA is–just like it was in Asia’s Golden Triangle.”

One might add the “Golden Crescent” to that list. As Foreign Policy Journal previously reported, Dawood Ibrahim “is known to be a major drug trafficker responsible for shipping narcotics into the United Kingdom and Western Europe.” While most Afghan opium is smuggled to Europe over land through Iran and Turkey, much of the amount that goes to Pakistan seems to be taken either by plane or by ship directly to the Europe, principally the UK.

While Pakistan claims Ibrahim is not even in the country, India insists he has been living in Karachi under the protection of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency.

The ISI worked closely with the CIA during the Soviet-Afghan war and acted as the CIA’s intermediary to provide funding, weapons, and training to the Afghan mujahedeen. The opium trade was used to finance the CIA-backed mujahedeen, and the principle beneficiary of CIA support was Gulbaddin Hekmatyar, who was also a principle drug lord.

And while Western media accounts typically tend to characterize today’s opium trade as being under the control of the Taliban, the fact is that the estimated amount of funds going to the Taliban and all other anti-government elements combined is less than 14 percent of the total estimated export value, and US intelligence agencies are aware of the involvement of high-level officials within the Afghanistan government in the drug trade, such as Rashid Abdul Dostum, former Chief of Staff to the Commander-in-Chief of the Afghan Armed Forces. Dostum was also among the warlords of the Northern Alliance the CIA doled out suitcases of cash to during the initial phase of the US war to overthrow the Taliban.

Viktor Ivanov, the director of Russia’s federal anti-narcotics service, said in an interview recently that “The gathered inputs testify that infamous regional drug baron Dawood Ibrahim had provided his logistics network for preparing and carrying out the Mumbai terror attacks by the militants.” He added that “The super profits of the narco-mafia through Afghan heroin trafficking have become a powerful source of financing organized crime and terrorist networks, destabilizing the political systems, including in Central Asia and Caucasus.”

A Protected Man in India

The $300 million transfer to Hassan Ali Khan from Adnan Khashoggi was “only the tip of the iceberg”, an official from ED told the Hindustan Times. There was also evidence of another $290 million, for instance, in two shell companies in the British Virgin Islands. This was among the evidence obtained from the laptop computer seized from Khan’s home in Pune.

In addition to the money transfers, the ED was investigating Khan’s possession of three Indian passports. He held passports issued from Pune, Patna, and Mumbai, and had also applied for additional passports from Guwahati and Chandigarh. He and his wife had applied for citizenship in Switzerland.

But it wasn’t only the Swiss bank’s apparent unwillingness to cooperate with Indian investigators that was slowing progress in the inquiry into Khan’s dealings. The Times of India reported in February that although the Prevention of Money Laundering Act provided for his arrest, the ED had yet to do so. The ED was “acting cautiously in this case, sources said.” The paper added that “It is shocking that Khan could have concealed all that money without Indian agencies getting to know of it.”

The report says that “The lack of evidence on the transactions seems to have prevented ED from arresting Khan”, while at the same time noting that “The alleged presence of names of Indian politicians also found from Khan’s initial questioning by the income tax and ED officials immediately after the raid last year, don’t figure anywhere in the submissions made by the ED to the HC [High Court]. The Income tax department has failed to get information from the ED on the sources of the $8 bn, despite asking for it again and again.”

In September, the Times of India reported that the intelligence community was “seething with anger for being blamed by politicians for its ‘failure’ to prevent” a series of bombings across the country. A senior intelligence official responded to the charges by telling the Times of India that it was the politicians who were at fault, and connected Khan to investigations of terrorism.

“Take the case of Hassan Ali, the Pune-based businessman,” he said. “He was under the scanner of several Central agencies, including the Intelligence Bureau, Enforcement Directorate, Directorate of Revenue Intelligence and other bodies. Finally it was found that he had handled hawala transactions valued at a mind-numbing Rs 35,000 crore through Swiss banks.”

Hawala is an informal money transfer system that is an alternative to formal banking institutions. Often, relatively little money actually exchanges hands between hawala brokers, who operate on an honor system. An amount deposited with one broker is not actually moved to another broker on the receiving end. Rather, that amount is simply taken from the receiving broker’s own reserves. The only funds that actually need be transferred are those used to offset imbalances between brokers, and there is no record of the transaction between the sender of the funds and the beneficiary.

The hawala system is thus ideal for moving illicit funds and for money laundering. According to a World Bank report, “The bulk of drug-related financial flows within Afghanistan, and also to and from neighboring countries (primarily Pakistan), occur through the ubiquitous hawala (informal financial transfer) system.”

The report also notes that “Dubai appears to be a central clearing point for international hawala activities, and various cities in Pakistan also are major transaction centers.” Dubai is a central location for the financial operations of Dawood Ibrahim’s D-Company.

The September article from the Times of India continued, “The bank accounts were traced and he [Khan] was brought in for interrogation. How was it possible for a businessman to have access to so much cash, was the question on everyone’s mind. The probe was stymied midway by vested interests with political clout. Ali has done the vanishing act. His wife and brother-in-law too are missing. ‘Why was he allowed to go scot free?’ asked an IPS [Indian Police Service] officer.

“Sources said there was no evidence of any concrete link between Ali and terror funds. ‘Nevertheless, why was he taken off the hook? In any other country, he would have been put through the grind given the volume of his transactions. But in India he has been treated with kid gloves because of the political backing that he enjoys,’ another official said.

“In another case, the Mumbai crime branch had gathered evidence about the alleged links between a famous Pune businessman and Pakistan-based brother of don Dawood Ibrahim, Anees Ibrahim.

“An eyewitness gave a detailed account of the goings-on between the businessman and Hamid Antulay, Dawood’s nephew in Dubai, and later between the trader and Anees in Karachi. However, the businessman has not been arrested despite the disclosures made more than a year ago. ‘We are expected to fight crime, but politicians do not give us a free hand,’ a crime branch officer complained.”

Mohammed Ali

The Times of India also noted that “Dawood Ibrahim’s key contact person is Mohammed Ali, who is known to control smuggling operations in city docks. ‘Any consignment can be taken out or brought into the country by Ali’s huge gang. A detailed dossier on his activities, which has serious security implications for the country, has been sent to the Union home department. But there has been no response so far,’ an official said.”

Mohammed Ali also seems to be a protected person in India. Just days after the Mumbai terrorist attacks, the Times of India stated that Mumbai residents “now know their government has done nothing at all to protect the country’s financial capital”, and again noted that “The Intelligence Bureau (IB) has sent a detailed dossier about the activities of one Mohammed Ali, who is the uncrowned king of the docks. A close aide of Karachi-based terrorist Dawood Ibrahim, Ali smuggles petrol, diesel, drugs, arms and other contraband with impunity.”

“There are strong indications,” the Times of India added, “that the D-gang actively collaborated with the terrorists in these attacks. And yet, the government is reluctant to move against Ali and his gang because he enjoys the patronage of a powerful politician, known to be a business partner of Dawood.”

The article adds, however, that “Any terror operations needs vast funds, via the hawala route. But the authorities are still to crack down on hawala operators. Recently, they picked up Hasan Ali, a racehorse owner in Pune.

“A joint probe by the IB [Intelligence Bureau], enforcement directorate [ED] and directorate of revenue intelligence revealed that Hasan Ali had handled hawala transactions worth a whopping Rs 35,000 crore, much of it belonging to two Maharashtra politicians.”

A police officer told the Times of India at the time, before his recent arrest and while he was still missing, “I will not be surprised if Hasan Ali has been done away with. He is the man who knows too much.”

Hemant Karkare and False Flag Terror

Maharashtra Anti Terrorism Squad (ATS) chief Hemant Karkare, who also formerly an officer in India’s Research Analysis Wing (RAW) intelligence agency, had been in the spotlight for leading the investigation into a series of bombings in the town of Malegaon that was originally blamed on Pakistani-based Muslim terrorists. But Karkare’s probe revealed that the perpetrators were in fact Hindu extremists. Included in the arrests was a serving army officer, Lt. Col. Prasad Shrikant Purohit.

The revelations of false-flag terrorism being carried out by home-grown elements sent shock waves through the political establishment.

As the Independent reported on November 23, just days before the attacks on Mumbai, “Bomb attacks are not uncommon in India – there has been a flurry in recent months – but police usually blame them on Muslim extremists, often said to have links to militant groups based in either Pakistan or Bangladesh. As a result, the recent cracking of the alleged Hindu cell has forced India to face some difficult issues. A country that prides itself on purported religious and cultural toleration – an ambition that in reality often falls short – has been made to ask itself how this cell could operate for so long. India’s military, which prides itself on its professionalism, has been forced to order an embarrassing inquiry.

“The near-daily drip of revelations from police has also caused red faces for India’s main political opposition, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), ahead of state polls and a general election scheduled for early next year. The BJP and its prime ministerial candidate, Lal Krishna Advani, have long accused the Congress Party-led government of being soft on terrorism that involved Muslims. However, the BJP has refused to call for a clampdown on Hindu groups, and last week Mr Advani even criticized the police over the way they questioned one of the alleged cell members…”

Karkare was put under immense political pressure and was heavily criticized by Hindutva (Hindu nationalist) leaders and members of the BJP. He had received a number of death threats as a result of his investigation, including a threatening call just one day prior to the attacks in Mumbai last month.

Karkare was killed during those attacks. Rumors with far-reaching implications began to spread immediately that he had been deliberately targeted.

Images of Karkare putting on an ill-fitted bullet proof vest just before his death were widely shown on Indian television. Indian Express noted, “His last visuals as seen on TV showed him working with his men near the VT station [Victoria Terminus, the former name of the Chatrapati Shivaji central train station], the target of one of the attacks, although it is perplexing at this point in time why such a senior officer ended up getting exposed to a brazen terrorist attack. Initially, he was shown wearing a shoddy helmet normally seen used by constables during riots. A little later, a policeman lowers a flimsy bulletproof vest over his shoulders, one that was obviously of little protection when those fatal shots were fired at him.”

According to the Pakistan Daily Mail, Karkare and several of his colleagues “had received information that their colleague Sadanand Dutt had been injured in the gunfire at the Cama and Albless Hospital for women and children.” As they were driving their truck to the scene, according to the only police officer to survive that attack, Arun Jadhav, “two terrorists stepped out from behind a tree and opened fire with automatic rifles”.

The Daily Mail article implicated Hindutva elements and Indian intelligence in terrorist attacks, stating that Bal Thakeray, the leader of Shiv Sena, a Hindu nationalist party, has “publicly pronounced in the past to setup Hindu suicide squads to target Muslims in India and Pakistan”, and claiming that “The terrorist activities and training needs of these groups are closely coordinated by the Indian intelligence agencies, particularly RAW”, which “trained the Tamil separatists groups of Sri Lanka such as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) to start [a] militant secessionist movement based on terrorism in the Sri Lanka’s Jaffna peninsula.”

A government investigation into the assassination of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, the Jain Commission, in fact confirmed that “The LTTE was getting its supplies, including arms, ammunition, explosives, fuel and other essential items for its war in northern Sri Lanka against the Indian Peace Keeping Force from Tamil Nadu. That too with the support of the Tamil Nadu government and the connivance of the law enforcement authorities.”

As noted previously, the investigation found that Adnan Khoshoggi had dealt arms to the LTTE. The commission’s report also noted that LTTE’s involvement in arms smuggling and other illicit activities “were tolerated” and that a number of murders demonstrated the “impunity with which the LTTE could operate in India.”

Earlier this week, Amin Solkar, a lawyer in Mumbai, pressed the High Court to launch an independent investigation into the circumstances under which Karkare was killed. According to India Today, “The Muslims in Malegaon have always claimed Karkare was killed by Hindutva militants and not by Qasab.”

“Qasab” is an alternate spelling for “Kasab”, a reference to Azam Amir Kasab, the only terrorist from last month’s attacks to be captured alive. A transcript of his confession to interrogators was leaked to the media and contains the following statements: “When we were coming out of the hospital premises, we suddenly saw one police vehicle passing in front of us. Therefore, we took shelter behind a bush.

“Another vehicle passed in front of us and stopped at some distance. One police officer got down from the said vehicle and started firing at us. One bullet hit my hand and my AK-47 dropped down. I bent to pick it up when second bullet hit me on the same hand. I got injured. Ismail opened fire at the officers who were in said vehicle. They got injured and firing from their side stopped.” Kasab and his companion, Ismail, then removed the bodies of three dead officers and apprehended the vehicle.

Assuming this incident is the one in which Karakare and his colleagues were killed, this characterization of events seems to cast doubt on the theory that the officials were deliberately targeted for assassination, set up and ambushed. But the Joint Commissioner of Police Rakesh Maria, who is in charge of the investigation into the attacks, Rakesh Maria, has rejected the authenticity of the confession document.

Pakistan’s The News reported earlier this week that “A Pakistani lawyer C M Farooque claimed that many people, including Ajmal Kasab, were arrested before 2006 from Kathmandu by the Indian agencies with the help of Nepalese forces.” Farooque said he was contacted by Kasab’s parents and had filed a petition with the Nepalese Supreme Court with regard to the disappeared individuals last February. “The people arrested in Nepal,” the report added, “had gone there on legal visa for business but Indian agencies were in the habit of capturing Pakistanis from Nepal and afterwards implicated them in the Mumbai-like incidents to malign Pakistan.”

Kasab is from the Punjab province of Pakistan. Rakesh Maria said last week that “He expressed his desire to write a letter to his parents. He wants to write the letter saying he was misled by the group.”

More questions about the death of Hemant Karkare were raised this week by Union Minority Affairs Minister A. R. Antulay, who also implied that he may have been deliberately targeted with the involvement of others. “Superficially speaking they [the terrorists] had no reason to kill Karkare. Whether he was a victim of terrorism or terrorism plus something I do not know,” he told reporters.

“Karkare found that there are non-Muslims involved in the acts [of] terrorism during his investigations in some cases. Any person going to the roots of terror has always been the target.” He added that “There is more than what meets the eye” with regard to Karkare’s killing.

After coming under fire for his remarks, he responded by asking, “How come instead of going to Hotel Taj or Oberai or even the Nariman House, he went to such a place where there was nothing compared to what happened in the three places?” He asked, “Why all the three (Hemant Karakre, Vijay Salaskar and Ashok Kamte) went together. It is beyond my comprehension.”

He later defended his remarks further, asking, “Who had sent them to Cama Hospital? What were they told that made them leave for the same spot in the same vehicle?” He added, “I repeat what I had said. I had not said who had killed them but only questioned who had sent them there in that direction.”

Rajiv Pratap Rudy, spokesman for the BJP party called the remarks “obnoxious” and called for a “clarification from the Prime Minister” whether this was a private view or one held by his government. Congress spokesman Abhishek Singhvi said, “we do not accept the innuendo and the aspersions cast” by Antulay’s remarks. “This should be the end of the matter. The Congress does not agree with Antulay’s statement.”

Others were more inclined to take the remarks seriously. Union Minister Vilas Paswan noted that Antulay was from Maharashtra and suggested he must therefore have “more information”.

Vijay Salaskar, who, as previously noted, was killed along with Karkare, “had closely investigated the entrenched links between a prominent gutka [a betel-nut and tobacco based product] manufacturer and the Dawood gang,” The Times of India reported in an editorial piece. “He had unearthed a mass of evidence about the manufacturer’s visit to Dubai, where he met Hamid Antulay, a nephew of Dawood, and then went on a false Pakistani passport to Karachi where he met the don and his brother Anees. The purpose of the visit was to settle a business dispute with a rival.

“Salaskar found out that the manufacturer was Dawood’s partner in the gutka business, alongside a leading politician who dabbles in real estate development. Despite Salaskar’s best efforts, he was never allowed even to summon the manufacturer for questioning.”

The editorial continued, “The details of Dawood’s vast business transactions and the man fronting it are available with the Central government. But there is inaction. Is it any wonder the security agencies are deeply cynical about enforcing law and order and protecting the country? Is it any wonder the people are enraged?”

On December 6, Maharashtra’s former revenue minister Narayan Rane alleged in a press conference that the terrorists who had attacked Mumbai the week before received “logistical and financial” support from a number of politicians. According to the Press Trust of India, Rane also alleged that former chief minister Vilasrao Deshmukh had links with a person connected with fugitive gangster Dawood Ibrahim.”

Indians Arrested in Connection with Attacks

Two Indians were also arrested in connection with the recent Mumbai attacks. One of the men, Tauseef Rahman, reportedly bought SIM cards that were used by the terrorists, which were purchased in Calcutta according to a report from the Associated Press. The other, Mukhtar Ahmed, was an undercover operative of for a special counter-insurgency unit of the Calcutta police force.

Another Indian citizen, Faheem Ansari, was arrested in February and is now being questioned about his possible involvement. According to the AP, he was found “carrying hand-drawn sketches of hotels, the train terminal and other sites that were later attacked”. According to lead investigator Rakesh Maria, “Ansari was trained by Lashkar and sent to do reconnaissance.”

India’s top law enforcement official, Home Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, apologized for failing to stop the attacks, saying “There have been lapses. I would be less than truthful if I said there had been no lapses.”

In fact, as previously reported by Foreign Policy Journal, Indian intelligence had numerous warnings of an imminent attack, both from its own sources and from the US. The warnings were specific, including that it would come from the sea. Mumbai, and even the Taj Mahal hotel, were identified as specific targets.

Additionally, Rakesh Maria said his investigation was looking into the possible involvement of Riyaz Bhatkal, the leader of the Indian Mujahideen (IM), in the attacks. “We are looking at various possibilities about who could have provided vital local support and intelligence. Bhatkal being a local person is known to have links with terror outfits.”

In October, Indian Express reported that Bhatkal and a terrorist named “Shahrukh” might be the same individual. “Sources said that since his name was linked to the 1993 Mumbai blasts, Bhatkal may have used the name Shahrukh to protect his identity,” the newspaper said. One official said, “For the 1993 blasts, he arranged money from Pakistan through hawala channels. But he could not be arrested.” In addition, “Officials also suspect an underworld link to the blasts. ‘Since Bhatkal’s name came up in the Mumbai blasts, it is evident that he is an important financial link for the underworld,’ said a source.”

Whitewash of the Attacks

Foreign Policy Journal previously reported on indications that the role of Dawood Ibrahim and his network of organized crime in the attacks in Mumbai last month is being downplayed by both Pakistan and the US and assessed that this was “possibly the result of a deal taking place behind the scenes between the governments of the US, Pakistan, and India, to have others involved in the Mumbai attacks turned over while quietly diverting attention from a man who some say could reveal embarrassing secrets about the CIA’s involvement in criminal enterprises.”

What’s clear now, as further developments have come to light, is that there are also elements within India, both in the criminal underworld and the government, that are perfectly willing to see the role in the Mumbai attacks of an even larger shadowy international criminal network whitewashed; a network with links to numerous moneyed interests, including trafficking in drugs and arms, and to numerous intelligence agencies, including the ISI, the CIA, and India’s own RAW.

While Dawood Ibrahim is officially a wanted man in the US and India, and is on Interpol’s wanted list, the evidence emerging from last month’s terrorist attacks in Mumbai is yet another indication that what is commonly referred to as a “shadow government” or “deep state” extending well beyond national boundaries is really pulling the strings behind the scenes in countries around the world, while the public–such as the residents of Mumbai–and well-intentioned individuals within their democratically-elected governments are left paying the price, often in blood.

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