Justice in Pakistan’s Tribal Border Areas

15339_214291876108_615166108_3542243_2935305_n“We are quite clear what justice is. If someone kills, commits adultery or some other offence, they deserve to die,” said Javaid Khan of the Utman Khel tribe in Bajaur Agency.

He said “tribal justice” was practised in the country, and killings had been carried out following verdicts delivered by `jirgas’ (gatherings of unelected tribal elders).

He did not see these as extra-judicial killings or a violation of the law, saying: “We have our own means to keep order here… Yes, over the years, killings have been carried out on `jirga’ orders – for murder, adultery or other offences.”

Traditional justice is strong in many of these areas – but that comes at the expense of universally accepted legal rights, say campaigners.

The `jirga’ may offer justice in some cases, but there are flaws and there is evidence that the will of powerful tribal elders holds sway over the less influential. The less influential includes women.

The `jirga’ courts are a community-based form of justice, deciding right and wrong in areas where national official judicial structures are out of reach.

Their power is particularly strong in the FATA, which are only covered by limited parts of the Pakistan Penal Code and the 1973 constitution.

Instead, FATA operates under the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) of 1901: colonial-era laws that condone collective punishments and lack a right of appeal or trial by jury.

Those who campaign against the justice of `jirgas’, say they often deliver injustice, in part because women have so little power over their decisions.

Since women are not represented on the `jirgas’, verdicts often go against them.

Far-Reaching Influence
The hold of tradition and “traditional justice” extends beyond the more legally autonomous tribal belts.

Women in KP are frequently produced before jirgas”, most often in cases of `swara’ or “marriages of exchange”, where they are handed over to an aggrieved party to settle a dispute, including murder or other crime. Under-age girls are often produced before jirgas by their fathers in such cases.

The `jirgas’ often help reinforce discrimination against women, which can be particularly acute in rural areas in the north.

In the remote Kohistan District of KP where, technically speaking at least, national law applies, three men were shot dead in January this year as a result of a long-standing tribal feud involving allegations their brothers had mingled with unrelated women.
In Kohistan, the ease with which people are willing to kill women, often on `jirga’ orders, is shocking. It is just something completely acceptable to them. The ease with which people are willing to kill women, often on `jirga’ orders, is shocking.

“In our culture men and women unrelated to each other are not permitted to mingle at all,” Nazir Kohistani, a businessman who now lives in Peshawar but has origins in Besham, Kohistan, said. He said he had moved to Peshawar when his three daughters were infants “so they could be educated and lead a normal life.”

Women’s Rights Curtailed
Such traditions, and the power of `jirgas’ hold back women – preventing even their education, as well as other rights.

A survey by SDPI conducted in six KP districts and Punjab Province, the results of which were released to the media last month, found a large proportion of men in both provinces believed that there were situations in which it was necessary to use physical violence against women, and that banning violence was a “Western concept”.

Nevertheless, SDPI’s monitoring and evaluation team said that traditional `jirga’ courts still had a degree of popularity in the surveyed areas.

“It is difficult to change established ways,” said Shandana Bibi* who now lives in Peshawar, but hails from Mohmand Agency. “We as women can only try, but despite my efforts I have been unable to persuade my husband to allow our two daughters to study beyond grade five.”

She says she will need to “fight hard” to allow her daughters to receive even vocational training in sewing or embroidery, and the right to leave their home to receive the training.

Businessman Kohistani says he has come up against the same issues. He told IRIN: “In areas such as ours, there are women who never, ever leave the four walls of their home, simply moving from the home of their parents to that of their husbands. I did not want my daughters, or my two sons, to grow up in such a culture, and therefore I escaped it.”

However, escape is not possible for most. Nor do they necessarily wish to abandon old ways.

“We live as are grandfathers and great grandfathers did, we keep to our own ways as tribesmen; we believe life must follow tradition so we preserve our culture – and we are proud of the morality that comes with this,” said Javaid Khan from Bajaur.

He says his main concern is to “keep change away since it will worsen, not improve our lives, ruining morality, especially for women, who need to be modest and kept away from public life.”

*not a real name

Mutilating Women in the Tribal Areas for Venturing Out

In Bajaur Agency, one of seven tribal areas in northwestern Pakistan, very few girls go to school due to threats by the Taliban.

“When I hired a tutor so my two older daughters could keep up their learning at home, I began receiving threats,” explained Salim Jan from Khar, the agency’s main town. He is in a quandary about whether to leave. “The militants are still here despite the military’s claims [ http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8548277.stm ] of victory in 2010,” he said.

Many girls in 2009-10 were forced to join seminaries due to fear of the Taliban.

“Not a single girl got admission to ninth class in Bajaur, FR [Frontier Region] Kohat and FR Lakki Marwat during 2009-10 due to Taliban threats,” and no girls went to college in Bajaur, FR Lakki Marwat or FR Peshawar either.

Opposition by the Taliban to girls` education, propaganda against it through illegal FM radio channels, threats and the declaring of girls` education a “vulgarity” and un-Islamic, were preventing parents from sending their daughters to schools.

Zuleikha Bibi, resident of a village near the town of Wana, said that she had heard of women being mutilated by militants, for “offences” such as venturing outdoors without a male escort.

“You who live outside the tribal areas cannot imagine what fear we women live in,” she said. “Here, in South Waziristan, there have been cases of Taliban bursting into homes to `check’ on women’s morality. My teenage cousin had her hair chopped off because her head was not properly covered, just a few months back.”

Living in terror
Despite the official stance that the Taliban have been defeated, they remain present in remote areas. Women live in terror and have told me their stories of exploitation, harassment or other forms of terrible violence by militants. Militants sliced off the breasts of a mother feeding her baby inside her home for venturing out.

“I have met displaced women who were asked by security staff at camps for sexual favours in exchange for food,” one activist said. She said women also lived in terror in settled areas with Taliban domination, such as Tank District in Khyber Paktoonkhwa Province.

The plight of these women is terrible. It will change only if male mindsets can be altered.

Asia Bibi, 19, who now lives in Peshawar with her family, said: “Every woman in our home agency of Mohmand lives in constant terror. The fear of being humiliated when we step out on the roads, even if we are covered from head to foot, is demeaning, and violence against women is common – not only by militants but also other relatives.”

Diplaced and vulnerable
Involuntary displacement can expose women and girls to a range of factors which may put them at risk of further violations of their rights,” it said. In Swat, women continue to face many difficulties, including a lack of access to education and a lack of mobility even a year after the conflict in the area ended.

In crises situations, women are among the most vulnerable. During both relief and early recovery, women and children tend to be affected in very different ways from men.

FATA are some of the least developed areas of the country, according to official figures, with the literacy rate for women standing at barely 3 percent.

Plight of the Parachinar People

Open letter and press release to National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Human Rights & Chief Justice Supreme Court

We (the Turi Bangash tribes) of Parachinar, appreciate the step taken by National Assembly Standing Committee on Human Rights by calling Governor, Corps Commander Peshawar and other officials of Secrete Agencies to Parliament House on third week of November 2011 to explain HRs violations & four years long Siege imposed on half millions people of Parachinar the under siege Pakistani Gaza. Here we want to give some eye opening Facts supported by proofs and Links from both International and National Media in honour of National Assembly Standing Committee on Human Rights as well as Chief Justice of Pakistan to take serious action. Proof is here in this report & link that Corps Commander & Governor as well as Intelligence officials were called on Parahinar road blockade for last four years.

Islamabad: The National Assembly Standing Committee for Human Rights in its … to call separate in-camera meetings on Parachinar issue and decided to call ., KP Governor, intelligence agencies and Corps Commander ofPeshawar. …

http://www.onlinenews.com.pk/details.php?id=185188

First of all the recent peace agreement and opening of Thall Parachinar road by saying to implement Muree accord (taken place in October 2008) is just an effort by civil and military bureaucracy to deceive the masses especially National Assembly Standing Committee on HRs so that they may say that they have opened the Thall Parachinar Road by mantling Peace. While ground realities are so that this so called recent Peace deal was also not implemented which took place on October9,2011 and according to it Thall Parachinar road will be opened within one week But when on October 16,2011 hundreds of Parachinaris willing to go to Peshawar in convey were retuned from AliZai lower Kurram by security forces saying threats due to Taliban hence in very first step it is failed. With addition to this Turi tribe passengers who were kidnapped by taliban after ambush on March 25,2011 in Bagan Lower Kurram in which tweleve were murdered on spot while seven persons by name coffins without bodies were sent later and rest kidnaped passengers were released after by taking millions of rupes ransom But ironically one of the kidnapped student named Qaiser Hussain S/O Shabir Hussain (who did M.Sc Physics from Peshawar University) is still missing and Taliban are asking three millions ransomed from his poor parents. Here Question arises according to new so caled Peace agreement in October 2011 by implementing Muree accord then Why the M.Sc degree talented students is still missing.Similarly in this new so called Peace agreement it was decided that army troops will be deployed througout Thall Parachinar road from Upper Kurram to lower Kurram But Ironically army troops were only deployed in Parachinar city which has ideal peace after the resistance and defeating the attacking Taliban militants from Wazirstan and Orakzai agency and other parts of FATA. While the numbers of army troops in Lower Kurram for protection of main Thall Parachinar road is almost nil the proof of which is Thursday Nov 3,2011 attack by Taliban militants on levy check post at Khar kalley Lower Kurram located on main Thall Parachinar road. Similarly some days ago once again at Bagan Lower Kurram militants Taliban and their local supporters attacked the Parachinari passenger’s coaches with stones by using abusive languages but here once again there was no army presence. Hence on one side this so called Peace agreement is try to deceive the masses especially National Assembly Standing Committee on Human Rights that Thall Parachinar road is Re opened on other side the deployment of hundreds of army men at Parachinar is an effort to shelter Haqani network from Waziristan to Parachinar as Naseer ullah Babar did same tactic in September 1996 by deployment of army in Parachinar city suddenly within week a brutal Taliban rule was established in Afghanistan including Kabul by using Parachinar strategic “Parrots beak ” importance. These brutal Taliban after implementing Taliban rule in Afghanistan attacked the border Turi bnangash tribes villages Borki & Pewar by murdering dozens Pakistanis including children and women and similar is the important Genocide and forcefully evictions of Turi bangash at Sadda Lower Kurram in 1982 in the hands of American CIA & Zia led Jihad. So after these facts when ever Taliban attacked Turi banagsh tribes all the state apparatus especially security forces are silent spectators therefore we cannot be sacrificed goats once again in this game.

Proof is Daily Times Analysis in Link here title ;

Kurram: the forsaken FATA.

http://dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010%2F11%2F04%2Fstory_4-11-2010_pg3_2

It is worth mentioning that in Parachinar in all Government Schools and even private Schools Pakistani anthem is played every morning,14th August is celebrated regularly and Security Forces (army/FC) can move and travel in Parachinar without weapons ,Parachinar is exceptional place in FATA where no attack and suicide occurred on security places while in rest of FATA security forces are kidnapped, killed and suicide attacks are done and even in their government schools anti Pakistan anthem are played then Why such step mother treatment with Parachinaries.It is time that National Assembly Standing Committee on Human Rights should ask the concern authorities.

Turi Bangash people of Parachinar are facing state terrorism. Because When during probe and investigations of twin brother murder cases in Sialkot,Rangers killing a young boy in Karachi and for killings of women and children at Akhroatabad the involved black sheep of security forces like Col Faisal of FC receive punishment and termination then WHY the involved black sheeps especially Col Majeed of FC(in whose presence Taliban burnt kidnapped and beheaded Turi Banagash Passengers at Sadda in June 2008 But he was silent ,video link attached below as proof) and Col Sajjad of FC in whose presence

In January this year (2011), a convoy of 24 trucks carrying food supplies, medicines and provisions for Upper Kurram was looted and then torched near the village Durrani, near Sadda inLower Kurram. The Kurramis hold a Colonel Sajjad responsible for this attack on the convoy, which, ostensibly, was under the protection of the Kurram militia FC, to bring them to the negotiating table with the Taliban-Haqqani network.

While No Action had taken yet against Col Majeed and Col Sajjad and even they were promoted to higher ranks is the best proof of state Terror HRs violations.

Link for FC Col Sajjad negligence Proof from Daily Times.

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2011%5C03%5C31%5Cstory_31-3-2011_pg3_3

Link(Video proof) of FC Col Majeed negligence and silent spectator Role during Taliban brutaility and some other proofs of Taliban attckes and brutaility against Parachinar.

http://www.facebook.com/video/video.php?v=254692401208643&comments

Links and proof showing thatThall Parachinar Roadcloser is source of Income for both Taliban militants and security forces who receive illegal money(bhatta) from Parachinaires.

http://www.thefrontierpost.com/?p=72936
http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/2011/10/111005_security_forces_kurram_tf.shtml
?
Ironically, even FC Commandant started running of Cable TV Network business by promoting Indian Vulguar TV Channels(exceptional case in country just for Parachinar) in year 2008 still continue when they failed to conquer Parachinar from Waziristan attacking Taliban after resistance by brave and patriotic youth belonging to Turi Bangash tribes, now it seems that Commandant FC want to destroy Parachinaris Youth in this way But he will be faild this time too(it is worth mentioning people of Parachinar are not against TV & Media such as Taliban But We will not allow conspiracy and our youth moral destruction in the name of Indian vulgarity).It seems that both Taliban and FC want to attack the Educated Youth of Parachinar(Because besides ideal peace in Parachinar education and literacy ration is equal to Islamabad )especially Students ,64 students are slaughtered and beheaded by Taliban militants while one student Qaiser Hussain(M.sc physics kidnapped at began lower kurram on March 25,2011 still missing).

Links Proof of beheading and slaughtering 64-students belonging to Parachinar on main thall parachinar road by taliban besides 1400 Parachinaris men & women murdered and more than 50000 injured in Resistance against Taliban militants since April 2007 during last four & half years.
http://www.globaltimes.cn/NEWS/tabid/99/ID/667599/Militancy-becomes-big-threat-to-students-in-Pakistani-tribal-area.aspx
http://tribune.com.pk/story/92333/bad-investment-continued-terrorism-in-kurram-the-real-facts/

Link showing Recent so called deal and is to protect fleeing Haqani network from wazirstan.

http://tribune.com.pk/story/286833/upper-kurram-new-peace-deal-a-ploy-to-protect-haqqanis/
http://www.islamtimes.org/vdcfeydyyw6dyta.k-iw.html

EVEN this fact was disclosed earlier by martyred Journalist Saleem Shahzad in his Asia Times Article on June 30,2010 ,Link & proof attached.

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/LF30Df03.html

Similarly Daily Times also showed thw whole game behind Siege of Parachinar and latest “Koh-e-Safeed” operation in Kurram by calling it “The sham operation in Kurram” in its Links below.

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2011%5C07%5C07%5Cstory_7-7-2011_pg3_2

At last but not least we are providing eye opening HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION Report issued by Asian Human Rights Commission as the matter will be discussed by National Assembly standing Committee on HUMAN RIGHTS as sever Violations against Parachinar. AHRC & Al Jazeera Television Link here below.

http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2011/06/2011622182410260797.html
http://www.humanrights.asia/news/ahrc-news/AHRC-STM-124-011

We also demand the Chief Justice Supreme Court of Pakistn that he is requested to take so-moutive against the involved black sheeps with in security forces like Col Majeed and Col Sajjad of FC for above crimes and brutality by backing taliban millitants as silent spectator in murder and beheading of civilians (during official convey where Col Majeed and Col Sajjad of FC were responsible for protection of passengers and food items and medicines BUT ironically they did nothing) when militants burnt civilians and even millitants did not attacked neither said FC Cols nor FC vehicles??? As Chief Justice of pakistan has taken notice of Sialkot twin brothers murder ,Karachi Rangers killing youth and Akhrotabad FC Col faisal involvement, if National Assembly standing Committee on Human Rights faild in addressing the problems and miseries of Parachinari people who are facing sever Human Rights Violation from Last four years.

Contact: Turi Bangash tribes of Parachinar can be reached at pakistani.gaza@gmail.com.

# # #

 

North Waziristan & the Haqqani Network

Located between the Khost province of eastern Afghanistan and KP of northwest Pakistan, North Waziristanis the second largest tribal region of FATA.

According to security experts, the area is considered today to be the epicentre not only of violence inAfghanistanandPakistanbut also a major source of International terrorism. Along with its geographic isolation, difficult terrain and relatively stable coalition of militant groups, they believe that the region has become the most important centre of militancy of FATA because of the impunity with which militants in the area have operated.

Local tribesmen do not approve of the presence of foreign militants, especially the Uzbeks and Punjabis, because they encroach the tribes’ lands and are insensitive to local customs

The most important militant group operating in the region is the Haqqani Network, an Afghan insurgent group led by Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani. Haqqani left his native Khost province and settled in North Waziristanas an exile during the republican Afghan government of Sardar Mohammad Dauod Khan in early 1970s. His son Sirajuddin, popularly known as Khaleefa, who became a key insurgent leader in theAfghanistanin mid 1980s, manages the network’s organisation from the Danday Darpakhel village near Miramshah in North Waziristan and carries out attacks on US and NATO forces inAfghanistan, according to security experts and local elders.

The second most important group in North Waziristanis led-by Hafiz Gul Bahadur, a key militant leader known for hosting foreign militants. Bahadur was announced as Naib Amir (deputy head) under the leadership of Baitullah Mehsud upon the formation of the 2007 Tehreek-e-TalibanPakistan (TTP), an umbrella organisation of various militant groups operating in FATA. However Bahadur later formed an anti-TTP bloc by joining hands with Maulvi Nazir’sSouth Waziristan based group because of disagreements over TTP attacks against the Pakistani security forces and tribal rivalries of Mehsuds. The Haqqani Network and Bahadur are considered ‘good Taliban’ by thePakistan military authorities as they don’t carry out attacks insidePakistan and focus only on Afghanistan.

North Waziristan also provides shelter to several other local, foreign and international militant groups, such as the Islamic Jihad Union (IJU), the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), the Islamic Army of Great Britain , Ittehad-e-Jihad Islami (IJI), the TTP, the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, the Harkat-ul-Jihad al Islami, the Fidayeen-e-Islami, Harkat-ul-Mujaheen, the Jaish-e-Muhammad and Lashkar-e-Tayyaba, according to a latest report published in The News. Elders and political activists of North Waziristan say that many of the foreign militants, especially Central Asians, Arabs and Afghans, arrived inPakistan’s tribal areas when their bases inAfghanistanwere closed down in late 2001. They say that the local population does not approve of the presence of foreign militants, especially the Uzbeks and Punjabis, because they encroach the tribes’ lands and are insensitive to local customs. “We need neither good Taliban nor bad Taliban. The Pakistani government should abandon their policy of using militant groups against each other and should take stern measures to flush out all of these monsters from the area. They are not only carrying out subversive attacks inAfghanistanbut also destroying peace inPakistan,” said an elder from Dawar tribe of North Waziristan.

“We hate Taliban and there are no two opinions about it, but we are compelled to bear the atrocities of these militant outfits because the state has no writ,” said another elder from the Utmanzai tribe. “Our voices are not heard and we are not given appropriate space and airtime in the mainstream media.”

Because of the reluctance of Pakistani authorities to carry out a military operation in the region,USdrone have targeted the Mir Ali, Dattakhel and Miramshah areas of North Waziristan extensively, with five out of six drone strikes inPakistannow being reordered in North Waziristan. Residents of the tribal region say that they live in a constant state of fear of being hit, because of local and foreign militants. The attacks occur without any warning and are often not related to the Pakistani military’s operations.

“The drone frightens women and children who sometimes become the victims, especially if the intended targets are close to their homes,” the Utmanzai elder said.

Tribal elders believe many foreign and local militant leaders have been killed in drone strikes inNorth Waziristan. New America Foundation, a Washington-based think tank, estimates on basis of media reports that 80% of the people killed in drones were Al Qaeda and Taliban militants. The accuracy rose to an astonishing 95% in 2010. This assertion was corroborated by Pakistani security official Maj Gen Ghayur Mehmood, who commands troops inNorth Waziritan, in a March 9 media briefing. Between 2007 and 2011, he said, 164 drone strikes had carried out and over 964 terrorists had been killed. Of those killed, 793 were foreigners – Arabs, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Chechens, Filipinos and Moroccans.

When drones kill a key militant leader or fighter, the Ittehad-e-Mujahedeen-e-Khurasan (IMK), a relatively less-known alliance of all local and foreign militant outfits, kill innocent people belonging to local Utmanzai and Dawar tribes, accusing them of spying. The murders have created more hatred for the foreigners. Most of the killings are carried out by Uzbek and Arab members of the IMK, tribal elders say.

Some Pakistani militant groups have abandoned the IMK because of the brutal ways in which they murder people. “We tried our best to reform the IMK but repeated attempts to correct them failed,” Bahadur said in a recent statement issued after pressure from local Wazir tribesmen.

It is pertinent to mention here that with the help of militants led by Nazir, the Ahmadzai Wazir tribe of South Waziristan successfully flushed out Uzbek militants of IMU from Wana and other Wazir-dominated areas of the region in a spring 2007 uprising sparked by the brutality of the Uzbeks.

Similarly, the tense relationship between local and foreign militant outfits operating in North Waziristan has been displayed several times in the past, particularly in November 2006, when the IMU and the IJU accused Bahadur of betraying them and jumping into the government camp by demanding their eviction from theNorth Waziristan. Differences between Gul Bahadur and Central Asian militant outfits were solved after the Haqqani Network intervened.

Security experts say that the Haqqani Network has been playing the role of bridge between the local and foreign militants, especially Pakistani and Afghan Taliban and Al Qaeda. It was the Haqqani Network that brokered a truce between the Nazir-led militant group and the TTP in South Waziristan when they were fighting over expulsion of Uzbek militants from the region, said a Bannu-based journalist, adding that that the Haqqani Network has strong presence not only in North Waziristan but also in South Waziristan, Kurram and Orakzai tribal agencies.

The Shia Turi tribes of neighbouring Kurram Agency say the growing drone attacks that killed dozens of Al Qaeda, Haqqani Network and TTP leaders, and the US pressure on Pakistani government to begin an operation inNorth Waziristan, has increased the importance of Kurram for the Haqqani Network. The network will also find in Kurram Agency new passages intoAfghanistan, especially with help from former TTP leader Fazal Saeed Haqqani. And it will bring new problems for the Shias of Kurram Agency.

Destruction of Ali Khel Tribe in Orakzai

October 10, 2011 was the third anniversary of the devastating suicide attack on a grand tribal jirga in Orakzai that killed the entire Sunni-Shia tribal leadership of the Ali Khel tribe, the biggest tribe in Orakzai. The jirga was leading an anti-Taliban lashkar (militia) against the Taliban in the Ali Khel area — Tirah in Orakzai.

Faced with growing Taliban atrocities and lack of state protection despite the repeated requests to the Government of Pakistan, the Ali Khels were forced to take up weapons against the Taliban.

The Taliban militants who came to the Ali Khel area around early 2008 initially committed atrocities against the Shia Ali Khels and those Sunnis who defied the Taliban’s social boycott of the Shias.

In response, the minority Shia section of the tribe requested the majority Sunni section of the tribe to support them against the Taliban. The Sunni Ali Khel section, already alarmed by the growing highhandedness of the Taliban, decided to protect the Shias by removing the Taliban from their area through force following the impotent Government of Pakistan’s reluctance to take action against the Taliban.

An anti-Taliban lashkar consisting of over 2,000 Shia and Sunni Ali Khel tribesmen was created. Within weeks the lashkar burnt down Taliban centres in the Ali Khel area, killed several Taliban fighters and the remaining Taliban militants ran away like cowards. A grand Shia-Sunni Ali Khel jirga consisting of over 5,000 confident tribesmen was convened to decide the fate of the Ali Khel boys who had joined the Taliban, but now had surrendered themselves to the mercy of the jirga. In the meanwhile, a Taliban vehicle loaded with 150 kilos of explosive material rammed into the jirga gathering and instantly killed over 100 Ali Khel tribal leaders of various socio-political stature, along with tens of other tribesmen, and injured hundreds.

Through their anti-Taliban resistance the Ali Khel raised themselves above the Shia-Sunni differences that the Taliban wanted to create among them. Collectively, they rejected the notion of a Muslim order led by Sunni extremists.

The Ali Khel tribe is supposed to be about 40,000. Assume that 50 percent of the population, i.e. 20,000, is female, who do not participate in public affairs like this jirga, a natural outcome of the archaic order codified and imposed by the state on the tribal population rather than something essentially gender discriminatory in the tribal culture — a misleading view that most FATA ‘experts’ would like the world to believe. Keep aside the male elderly, children and labour migrants, the remaining population out of the 20,000 male inhabitants of Orakzai, would be around 5,000, the same number of people who participated in the grand jirga that was destroyed in the suicide bombing. This implies that all those Ali Khel people whose views form public opinion in their area had supported the anti-Taliban struggle. Moreover, Ali Khel women, although not part of the public anti-Taliban initiatives, are as much anti-Taliban as their male counterparts. I have yet to see any Ali Khel woman who expresses sympathies with the Taliban or their cause. Thus the Al Khels displayed a truly popular tribal backlash against the Taliban.

The Government of Pakistan provided no security to the Ali Khels even in the aftermath of the jirga tragedy despite passionate requests by the tribe, especially the security over the roads leading to the Ali Khel area to ensure that no more suicide bomber-driven vehicles laden with explosive material enter the area. The request squarely falls within the FCR law whereby the government of Pakistan is responsible for security of the roads. The request was never entertained, which made it clear beyond all doubt to the Ali Khels that the state is in collusion with the Taliban and the intelligence establishment of Pakistan, which controls FATA, would prefer the Ali Khels to be slaughtered to the last man if they continued to resist the Taliban. This broke the Ali Khel resistance against the Taliban since it was obvious that the poor tribe was no match for the collective might of the Taliban and their state handlers.

The Ali Khels, like tribesmen in the rest of FATA, are strictly supposed in the strategic depth policy to be the angry Pakistani Pakhtun who have become Taliban militants in response to the Pakistani state alliance with the US in the war on terror and the US presence in Afghanistan, thus providing the Pakistani state the plausible deniability of its double role as an enemy as well as an ally in the war on terror, i.e. it is the ‘fiercely autonomous’ tribal population rather than the state that is running the militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

The tribesmen are thus not supposed to take up weapons against the Taliban, kill them and burn the Taliban centres. But the Ali Khel did just that and they had to be severely punished for that.

The punishment was the destruction of the Ali Khel tribal leadership and the displacement of the entire tribe in the sham army operation that was later started in the area and to this date has not been ‘able’ to ‘clear’ the area of the Taliban.

Today the Ali Khels continue to live as IDPs in many parts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. They, along with other FATA IDPs, have largely been left to the aid organisations for survival. Many of their children, who were in schools in Orakzai, stand deprived of education. They cannot even publicly mark the third anniversary of the jirga tragedy for two reasons: one, they are scattered as IDPs and two, a public marking of the tragedy might invite more suicide attacks.

To add insult to the injuries of the Ali Khels (as well as other FATA tribesmen) the political and military leadership of Pakistan decided in the recently held All-Parties Conference (APC), convened in the context of the US pressure on Pakistan on the issue of the Haqqani Taliban, “to give peace a chance by holding dialogue with our own people- the Taliban”! Without any sense of responsibility towards their people, the leaders lied to the world, especially the US, that the Taliban are ‘our own’ people while ignoring the popular resentment against the Taliban in FATA.

One wonders, could the Pakistani leaders look into the eyes of the Ali Khels and say that the ‘Taliban are our own people’? But they can! They have the power to do so and the Ali Khels are overpowered people whose lives do not matter at all, especially when they have shown so much anti-Taliban resistance.

Khyber Agency in the Tribal Areas

The Khyber Agency in Pakistan has emerged in recent times as a centre of sectarian conflict – partially as a result of the spillover of deep-rooted differences between Sunni and Shia Muslims in the nearby Kurram Agency and partially as a reaction to efforts by hardline Sunni groups to establish their writ in the area.

One of seven tribal agencies located along the Pakistan-Afghan border, the strategically significant Khyber Agency offers easy access to Afghanistan, and is located close to the mountainous Tora Bora cave complex, [ http://www.nytimes.com/2009/11/29/world/asia/29torabora.html ] from where Osama bin Laden is believed to have escaped US forces in late 2001.

The Agency covers 2,576sqkm and has a population, according to official figures of 546,730. Named after the historic Khyber Pass, the area is seen by observers as well-suited to the purposes of criminals, drug mafias and most recently militants.

Khyber borders Afghanistan to the east, Orakzai Agency to the south, Mohmand Agency to the north and Peshawar District in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Province to the east. It is divided into three administrative units, Jamrud, Bara and Landi Kotal. The remote Tirah Valley in Bara sub-district is important to militants because of its proximity to Afghanistan.

Khyber’s tryst with militancy [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90760 ] began in 2003 when a Taliban-style organization was set up by a local from the area, Haji Namdar, who had just returned from Saudi Arabia. The ban on music and harsh enforcement of dress codes, which included head coverings for women and beards for men, shocked many residents who had previously enjoyed a relatively relaxed religious lifestyle.

Namdar, who established illegal FM radio stations and used the Tirah Valley area for attacks inside Afghanistan, paved the way for other militant forces in the area. Today, three major groups operate in Khyber:

Lashkar-e-Islam (LI)
Founded by Mufti Munir Shakir in 2005 and currently led by the charismatic Mangal Bagh, the group follows the hardline Deobandi school of Islam, which opposes the tradition of saints and mysticism that has for centuries dominated Islamic belief in the Indian sub-continent. LI has been responsible for actions such as the 2008 kidnapping in Peshawar of 16 Christians [ http://www.paktribune.com/news/index.shtml?202228 ] who were later freed, and other acts of violence. Mangal Bagh has also been responsible for bans on music and action against those deemed to be guilty of “immorality” including liquor and drug sales or keeping TV sets. His status as a poor member of a minor Afridi tribe clan provides him with support among impoverished locals. He also enjoys the support of the Pakistani military establishment, which sees him as a counter to the Taliban [Taliban) http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?Reportid=83105 ] in the region. [ http://counterterrorism.newamerica.net/publicatio
ns/policy/the_battle_for_pakistan_khyber ] Clashes between the LI and other groups have added to the violence.

A series of conflicts with Zakakhel tribesmen displaced hundreds of families in March and April this year. [ http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx_ttnews%5Bswords%5D=8fd5893941d69d0be3f378576261ae3e&tx_ttnews%5Bany_of_the_words%5D=Azerbaijan-Russia%20Gas%20Agreement%3A%20Implications%20for%20Nabucco%20Project&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=37856&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=381&cHash=940eb41502d07489a85e54274cbcd581 ] The Zakakhels are one of eight major Afridi clans. Mangal Bagh, the LI leader, belongs to a relatively weak Afridi clan, Sepah. Much of the violence, involving tit-for-tat murders and abductions is based around a quest to control the Tirah Valley.

Ansar-ul-Islam (AI)
The rivalry between this group – founded in 2006 by Pir Saifur Rehman and currently led by Qazi Mehboobul Haq – and the LI, fuels much of the fighting in Khyber. Clashes first broke out in 2006. Though both groups are Sunni, the AI follows the Barelvi school which believes in saints and has other theological differences with the Deobandis. While both LI founder Mufti Shakir and Pir Rehman, who belong to areas outside Khyber, were exiled from the Agency in 2007 as a result of government action backed by local tribesmen, the tensions continue.

Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP)
In the presence of strong groups, the Taliban have struggled to gain a foothold in Khyber. Efforts over several years to woo Haji Namdar failed, and he was killed in an August 2008 missile attack for which TTP leader Hakeemullah Mehsud claimed responsibility. Since then the Taliban, led by local commanders such as Nazeer Afridi but controlled from their headquarters in Orakzai Agency, have established a stronger hold in Khyber, where convoys carrying supplies to NATO forces in Afghanistan have been periodically attacked. [ http://tribune.com.pk/story/173202/15-dead-in-nato-tanker-fire-in-pakistan-officials/ ]

Tribes in Khyber
The Afridi dominate the Khyber Agency, and are divided into eight clans. The Afridis, like other clans in the tribal belt, have built a reputation over the centuries as fierce fighters. The major ones other than the Afridis are the Shinwari, Mullagori and Shimani. The eight Afridi clans are Adamkhel, Akakhel, Kamarkhel, Qamberkhel, Malik Dinkhel, Kukikhel, Zakakhel and Sepah. The Shinwari have three clans, Khugakhel, Mirdakhel, and Mazsokai. The other two are small. [ http://counterterrorism.newamerica.net/sites/newamerica.net/files/policydocs/khyber_1.pdf ] The clans are led by `maliks’ or elders who usually wield considerable influence over their clan members.

The State of Tribal Areas of Pakistan

An ignorant friend —by Farhat Taj

The tribal people fear the Pakistan Army’s aerial bombardment in FATA. The IDPs from all over FATA accuse the Pakistan Army of deliberately bombing innocent civilians while avoiding Taliban centres

Some time back, a piece in Foreign Policy suggested a referendum in FATA and the nearby areas of Afghanistan to ask the people if they were for or against a strict Islamist government. In case of a yes vote, any people in the larger region subscribing to a strict version of Islam could emigrate to the area. Dr Mohammad Taqi has elaborated how hollow this whole idea is via his article ‘A passport to dystopia’ (Daily Times, March 3, 2011). Dr Taqi’s article and Pakhtun comments in Foreign Policy on the piece should have encouraged the writer to reflect on his ideas about the Pakhtuns. A researcher with a sense of professional commitment would have done so. This does not appear to be the case with the writer Saleem Ali. Recently, he wrote an article in a Pakistani English daily and reproduced the following misleading ideas about the Pakhtuns on which I would like to comment:

“FATA is ungovernable territory and its population is decidedly more conservative than the rest of Pakistan. Islamists have political clout in FATA. There is an urban-rural divide among the Pakhtun whereby the urban Pakhtun blame the ISI for the terrorism in FATA while the rural Pakhtun in FATA embrace Islamism. The Bacha Khan Movement has no traction in FATA. The New America Foundation Survey last September is the most comprehensive survey in FATA. Tribalism in FATA is conflating with Islamism. There is an aversion to aerial bombing (US drone attacks) in the area.”

From a security point of view, FATA has never been an ungovernable territory since Pakistan came into being. It has always been under the control of the intelligence agencies of Pakistan. This is especially so since the ISI-CIA sponsored jihad in Afghanistan. Did the ISI and CIA operate their entire jihad against the Russians in Afghanistan from an ungovernable space? Were the Soviets so foolish that they could not destroy jihadi bases in an ungovernable space?

FATA is governable but the military establishment of Pakistan is deliberately projecting it as an ‘ungovernable wild west’ to the world because it needs the area for strategic games vis-à-vis India in Afghanistan. Does the writer have any idea about the pro-Islamism activities from the offices of political agents in FATA under the direction of the ISI? May I ask Saleem Ali why the Political Parties Act of Pakistan has not been extended to the area? President Zardari announced the promulgation of the act in FATA in 2009. Who is resisting a formal notification in this regard? Is it the people of FATA or is it the GHQ in Rawalpindi that is so averse to any idea of Pakhtun nationalist political parties operating in the area due to its eternal fear of Pakhtun nationalism?

There is no scientific evidence to suggest that FATA is more conservative than any other community in Pakistan. The fact that FATA is a gender discriminatory society does not explain anything significant in terms of the conservatism supposed by the writer.

It is ridiculous to hear that there is an urban-rural divide among the Pakhtun at a time when Pakhtun social activists are expressing their concerns over the growing ‘ruralisation’ of Peshawar and other cities in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa due to a lack of human development caused by government policies. Can one indicate any significant rural-urban divide between Waziristan, FATA, Bannu and Tank in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, between Bajaur, FATA and Dir and so on? Actually, all areas in FATA are much more integrated in terms of culture, tribal links, familial ties, business connections and so on with the adjacent ‘urban centres’ in Pakhtunkhwa than among themselves.

Above all, there is no ‘rural-urban’ divide among the Pakhtun over the security situation in FATA. It is actually the illiterate ‘rural’ people in FATA who have suffered at the hands of the Islamists and straightaway hold the ISI responsible for their destruction. The fact that they cannot openly speak due to fear of the ISI does not give any justification to writers sitting far away to assume that FATA’s population subscribes to Islamism.

It is factually wrong that the Bacha Khan Movement has no traction in FATA. His movement has mainly been concentrated in villages, including villages in FATA. There are countless people all over FATA who are sympathetic to the movement. People linked to it were among the first eliminated by the ISI when it unleashed targeted killings in the area in 2003 to silence those who had the potential to question the presence of ‘state guests’ — al Qaeda jihadis in FATA.

How could the New America Foundation survey in FATA be comprehensive when it was conducted at a time when most of FATA’s people were IDPs outside FATA? The survey also suffers from other serious methodological and ethical errors that render it meaningless for a scholarly debate over FATA. My detailed critique of the survey will be published in the coming months.

There is no conflation between tribalism and Islamism in FATA. The tribes have made lashkars against the Islamists. The popular jirga-backed lashkars are much more representative of the tribes in terms of tribal identity than the ISI-backed multi-ethnic Taliban. Did the writer ever try to reach out to the lashkar leaders? Does he have any idea who the ‘rural’ lashkar leaders hold responsible for the atrocities committed against their tribes?

The tribal people fear the Pakistan Army’s aerial bombardment in FATA. The IDPs from all over FATA accuse the Pakistan Army of deliberately bombing innocent civilians while avoiding Taliban centres. There is, however, no aversion to the US drone attacks. They are welcomed because the drone never targets civilians. There have been large-scale human displacements in all tribal areas where military operations were conducted. There is no large-scale human displacement from North Waziristan, the area most hit by drones. I predict there will a huge human displacement from North Waziristan if and when the Pakistan Army launches a military operation in the area under US pressure.

“Are we achieving any success thus far with drones?” asks the writer. No, we have not achieved much with drones in the larger picture. But this is because the US is not doing enough to deal with the ISI. As long as the military establishment is using FATA as strategic space, terrorism will go on by state design. The drone attacks, meanwhile, frustrate the establishment’s design by killing its ‘beloved’ jihadis. For the tribesmen, the drone strikes are a significant achievement. They are precisely killing the multi-ethnic jihadis who have overpowered them.

“I am writing this as a friend of Pakhtuns,” says Saleem Ali. I accept his words at face value but his writings show that he is ignorant about Pakhtun history, society, culture and the current situation. In the words of Martin Luther King, “Nothing can be more dangerous than sincere ignorance.” Saleem Ali should educate himself about the Pakhtun or choose some other topic to write on. The Pakhtun are passing through a hard time and cannot afford ignorant friends.

The writer is a PhD Research Fellow with the University of Oslo and currently writing a book, Taliban and Anti-Taliban

Stoned to Death for Being Seen Together

A local jirga of Kala Dhaka, a tribal area that has recently been declared a settled district, has decided to stone to death a couple for having illicit relations. One wonders if this is the only couple in that area, and in the country, having illicit relations. Who knows that they may be totally ignorant and some Taliban may be settle his personal score with the couple.

The jirga was convened when some locals alleged that they had seen the said man and woman together in the fields of Madakhail area; the word `seen’ should be noted here. They were not having sex but just together. The jirga issued a decree that the couple should be stoned to death. However, the man managed to escape after the jirga announced its decision. His house was set on fire on the order of the jirga.

After the escape of the man, the jirga held another session and upheld its earlier decree and shifted woman to a secret place in Manjakot area. Some religious scholars of the area, who were against the jirga’s decision, declared the woman innocent.

The woman, who belonged to Karachi, had married a man with physical disability seven years ago. She is mother of three children aging between two to six years.

It was the first jirga, which issued the decree after the government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa declared Kala Dhaka as a separate district and named it Torghar in last week of June 2010.

Meanwhile, another jirga in the same area threatened to launch protest movement if district administration allowed cable operators to work in Baffa area of Mansehra. This goes to show the writ of our governments and nullify the tall claims of our paindoo Interior Minister.

”If the administration wants to maintain peace in Baffa, it should ask the cable operators to wrap up the network as it will spread vulgarity in the area,” said a member of the jirga.

The situation is still tense in Baffa after the religious scholars accompanied by locals stormed the office of cable network and beat up its employees.

When Will Things Change for the People of the Tribal Areas?

Amnesty International (AI) has criticized the Pakistani government and the militants it is fighting in parts of Khyber-Pukhtoonkhwa Province and the FATA on the border with Afghanistan for violating international humanitarian law and human rights, even though conditions in other areas, such as Swat, are improving. 
 
Nearly four million people are effectively living under the Taliban in northwest Pakistan without rule of law and effectively abandoned by the Pakistani government. 
 
The Pakistani government has to follow through on its promises to bring the region out of this human rights black hole and place the people of FATA under the protection of the law and constitution of Pakistan.
 
 Amnesty’s report, As if hell fell on me [http://amnesty.org.uk/uploads/documents/doc_20439.pdf], documents among other things the use of civilians as human shields by militants, restrictions by both the Pakistan army and militants on civilians leaving areas of fighting and “insufficient care” by the military to protect civilians. The government disputed this.
 
 The London-based rights watchdog also said more than a million displaced people were “in desperate need of aid” and narrated accounts of abuses by tribal lashkars (militias), set up with government support to keep the Taliban at bay. 
 
The lashkars are almost as bad as the Taliban. They use guns to threaten people and have killed in the past.  The Minister for Human Rights, Mumtaz Alam Gilani, called the report “unfortunate and incorrect”. Pakistani security forces had made significant gains against Taliban militants and had uprooted their bases in most parts of FATA, he said. “When there is war, there [are] no civil rights,” he told the media in Islamabad. [http://www1.voanews.com/english/news/asia/Pakistan-disputes-Amnesty-report-on-Taliban-Strength-in-the-Countrys-Northwest--96065654.html] 
 
There are targeted killings of those who oppose the Taliban. People have no idea when things will get back to normal. There is also no work as so many shops and businesses have closed down. 
 
 Positive Swat 
 In some areas of Khyber-Pukhtoonkhwa, notably Swat District, residents say their lives have greatly improved since the army drove out the Taliban in 2009. 
 
In an area where two years ago schools were being burned down and girls prevented from attending classes, 30-year-old school-teacher Fyza Akbar contends with a class of six-year-olds prone to giggling fits because she discarded her burqa two months ago, allowing her hair to tumble out from below her loose dupatta (head scarf).
 
 ”They have rarely seen women without veils, except their mothers or sisters inside their own homes,” Akbar said, adding that she took off her burqa because “the Taliban are no longer here to impose it”. 
 
The situation of human rights has improved in Swat and no incidents of public floggings or patrols by militants – a regular feature of life in Mingora, the principal city of Swat before the April 2009 military operation. [http://www.hrcp-web.org/showprel.asp?id=126].
 
 ”Things are better here and life is almost normal,” Salim Shaukat, a Mingora-based lawyer and social activist, said. He said about 20 percent of women had returned to work where they could opt to wear chadors (shawls) rather than burqas and most people were not as fearful as before.

Army Refusing to Get into North Waziristan

It took just a few months for the Pakistani military to clear the Swat Valley’s lush, mountainous tribal terrain of its Taliban usurpers last summer, using some 30,000 troops to dislodge the guerrillas from the once-bustling tourist haven, 80 miles northwest of Islamabad. Now, however, almost a year after winning the war, the same number of troops are still in place in order to hold Swat, rebuild it and prevent a Taliban resurgence — and that may keep Islamabad from going after the extremists in other parts of Pakistan’s unruly frontier with Afghanistan.

The U.S. has often appealed to Pakistan to do just that, specifically against elements in North Waziristan. More than 200 miles south of Swat, the tribal territory is a base for militants targeting U.S. troops just across the border in Afghanistan; it is also believed to be a refuge for senior al-Qaeda leaders.

Yet the Pakistani military has refused to go into North Waziristan because it says its forces are already stretched thin (the bulk of the country’s troops are stationed along the eastern border with India, the nation Islamabad still considers its primary foe).

Opening up a new front in North Waziristan now, Pakistani military officials say, could undo the gains achieved in areas like Swat by diverting troops from areas they must continue to control.

As one officer said, “To hold the ground, you have to be on the ground.” The heavy security footprint, the Pakistanis argue, is aimed at avoiding the U.S. military’s experience in Iraq, where some areas like Mosul north of Baghdad, once cleared, saw troops draw down only to have militants return and necessitate the re-insertion of American forces to clear them out again.

Indeed, the Pakistanis say, while they have largely cleared militants from Swat, which is in the North-West Frontier Province, as well as the South Waziristan and Bajaur areas along the Afghan border, the army remains engaged in battles in the Khyber district not far from Swat and nearby Orakzai, where the army claims almost daily double-digit Taliban kill figures (numbers that cannot be independently verified).

The Pakistanis also argue that there’s more to holding an area than just boots on the ground. As part of its counterinsurgency strategy, the Pakistani military says it is taking the lead in eliminating the factors that helped the area fall to the extremists in the first place: poverty and bureacractic ineptitude and corruption.

In Swat, it has set up joint civilian-military liaison cells, which bring together representatives of the military, provincial government and tribal elders.

“There are so many reasons that we fell to them [the Taliban] and they took over, so many reasons,” says Bakhd Zada, a tribal elder from Devlai, a town of some 30,000, 13 miles from Mingora in the Swat district. “There’s poverty, lack of knowledge, and we were misguided,” he says. “We need to educate the people and we need job creation. You know when you are empty minded and you have nothing to do, that is a place for demons to develop.”

Army spokesman in Swat says the military is taking its cue from the populace. “We listened to them, we tried to solve their problems,” he says. “They’re our own brothers and sisters, we’re not like the Americans in Iraq.”

In Swat, the military has surged ahead of an excruciatingly slow civilian bureaucracy. Soldiers are reconstructing roads, bridges, health centers, water systems and libraries across the valley. The Army has recruited and trained thousands of police officers, and rebuilt 217 of the 400 or so schools destroyed by the Taliban. It is also footing the bill, thanks to a nationwide voluntary contribution of two days’ pay by the troops themselves, a move that raised more than 100 million rupees (almost $1.2 million). The military is also much more efficient. Lt. Col. Abbas points to the restoration of a historic hostel in Swat as an example: Civil contractors estimate it would cost 80 million rupees for the reconstruction. The army did it for 20 million rupees, of its own money.

Commissioner Fazal Karim Khattak, the administrative head of the provincial government in Swat and seven other nearby districts, rejects criticism that the government isn’t doing enough, although he admits that there is a heavy reliance on the military. The destruction is so widespread, he says, that it’s “not really possible” for the government to do it alone. “I would recommend that the army stays here in the same numbers for quite some time,” he adds, “because the civilian institutions have been ruined so much that it will take some time for them to stand on their own feet.”

Still, some people say they are wary of the army’s intentions — and its omnipresence. They fear that a military accustomed to being in control is unlikely to relinquish power and give up its space to civilian institutions. Lt. Col. Abbas dismisses such concerns. “Pulling [the military] back is the decision of the political government. Whenever they require us, we’re here. If they say we are no more required, again we’re happy,” he says. “But since we’re sitting here in the valley, we are reconstructing.” And not going after the extremists in North Waziristan.

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