Post-Election Challenges for Nawaz Sharif

by Huzaima Bukhari & Dr. Ikramul Haq

The real challenges in the post-election period is stemming from the increasing onslaught of miscreants against the State and rapidly deteriorating economic conditions having serious ramifications.

Wanton attacks on almost all political parties with loss of precious human lives confirm that the obscurantists at war with the State are openly committing treason by maintaining private armies prohibited under Article 256 of the Constitution. They are openly demonstrating disloyalty towards the State violating Article 5 which says: “Loyalty to the State is the basic duty of every citizen and obedience to the Constitution and law is the inviolable obligation of every citizen wherever he may be and of every other person for the time being within Pakistan.”

The incidents in Pakistan cannot just be called terrorism—it is much more than that. In fact, this is an open war against the State that needs to be tackled with an iron hand by the new elected government as a first priority or challenge.

Nawaz Sharif’s new government with consensus of all political parties would have to establish special war tribunals to punish miscreants guilty of violating Articles 4 and 256 with impunity.

Article 256 clearly says that “no private organization capable of functioning as a military organization shall be formed, and any such organization shall be illegal.”

Flagrant violation of Article 256 and that of Article 5 needs to be punished without any further delay.

Chapter VI of the Pakistan Penal Code, 1860 mentions inter alia, conspiracies against the State, collection of arms for the purpose of waging war (s. 122), concealing knowledge about such designs (s. 123) condemnation of the creation of the country, (s. 123A) defiling the national flag (s. 123B), assaulting president or the governors with the intention of creating hurdles in the lawful exercise of their powers (s. 124), sedition (s. 124A) and depredation on territories (s. 126)—need to be applied wherever required, adopting due process of law provided in Article 10A of Constitution.

The last Parliament, during its 5-year tenure did not show seriousness in reviewing the existing anti-terrorism laws. However, just a few days before dissolution, it passed two new laws, The Investigation for Fair Trial Act of 2013 and National Counter Terrorism Authority Act, 2013, aimed at collecting evidence and information against terrorist networks using modern techniques. In March and February 2013, the Parliament also passed the Anti-terrorism (Second Amendment) Act, 2013 and Anti-terrorism (Amendment) Act, 2013. It needs to be stressed that mere passing of laws will not help to eradicate the forces that are bent upon undermining the very existence of the State. An all-out effort on a war footing is required to uproot this menace, lest it is too late.

The second most critical challenge is economy. In the post-election period, the country ensnared in debts, needs strict fiscal discipline, proper collection of taxes and their judicious use and above all rapid infrastructure and economic growth and development. The rising fiscal deficit and shortfall in tax revenue has assumed alarming proportions—there has been an increase of Rs. one trillion in domestic debt alone during the current fiscal year. According to the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP), our overall stock of domestic debt comprising permanent debt, floating debt, unfunded debt and foreign currency loan continues to rise—domestic debt registered a massive surge of 15 percent during first nine months (July-March) of the current fiscal year. The stock of domestic debts reached Rs 8.8 trillion mark as on March 31, 2013 as compared to Rs 7.63 trillion as on June 30, 2012, depicting an increase of Rs 1.17 trillion.

Since Pakistan received an amount of $1.8 billion from the US on account of Coalition Support Fund (CSF) so far, it has provided some cushion to reduce reliance on domestic debt resources but even then the government’s borrowing from domestic banking channel has been on the increase. Floating debt, which includes three months’ treasury bills and market treasury bills, is the key borrowing instrument for the government to meet its financial needs and over 50 percent of domestic debt has been borrowed through this instrument. Domestic debt and liabilities are likely to reach Rs. 9 trillion mark at the end of the current fiscal year. Overall floating debts reached Rs. 4.776 trillion mark at the end of March 2013 compared to Rs. 4.143 trillion in June 2012, depicting an increase of Rs. 633.2 billion. In addition, permanent debts, which include market loan, federal government bonds, income tax bonds, prize bonds, etc, rose by 15 percent or Rs. 260.6 billion during July-March of the current fiscal year. With current increase, it surged to Rs. 1.956 trillion from Rs. 1.696 trillion. Similarly, with an increase of Rs. 265 billion, unfunded debts, comprising national savings, postal life insurance and GP Fund, has reached a staggering Rs. 2.063 trillion at the end of the third quarter. Debts under foreign currency loan posted an increase of Rs. 3.1 billion to Rs 4.5 billion. It included FEBCs, FCBCs, DBCs, and special US bonds held by residents. Previously these were part of external debt liabilities but from June 2008 onwards these form part of domestic debt.

If the new government follows in the footsteps of its predecessors, our foreign debt is going to be US$75 billion in 2015 and that of domestic debt Rs. 12 trillion. They will have to take curative measures and tough decisions in the first 90 days along with overall structural reforms. The policy of appeasement towards tax evaders, money launderers and plunderers of national wealth, if not discontinued, will push the country to complete disaster. The shameless indulgence of rulers and bureaucrats in wasteful expenditure has pushed the country towards the position where half of the population of the country is facing malnutrition and one third is living below the poverty line.

The new government will have a formidable challenge on the fiscal front. The Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) is facing huge revenue shortfall. It estimates to collect Rs. 2050 billion by 30 June 2013—the provisional revenue collection stood at Rs. 1516.6 billion till 7 May 2013. The original revenue target of Rs. 2381 billion was revised downward to Rs. 2191 billion in March 2013, but FBR is not even capable of achieving it. In the remaining two months (May & June), FBR is to collect Rs. 489 billion to reach the second-time revised target of Rs. 2050 billion. This, as usual, will be done by collecting advance tax in advance, raising unlawful demands and blocking of bona fide refunds to further harming the business climate and causing hardship to the masses.

The new government can easily collect taxes of Rs. 8 trillion without levying any new taxes and further destroying the ailing economy. Pakistan certainly has 10 million individuals having taxable annual income of Rs 1.5 million (a very conservative estimate), total income tax collection from them at the prevalent tax rates comes to nearly Rs. 3750 billion. If we add income tax due from corporate bodies, other non-individual taxpayers and individuals having income between Rs. 400,000 to Rs. 1,000,000, the gross figure would be about Rs. 5000 billion. FBR collected only Rs. 716 billion as income tax in the last fiscal year. Similarly, due to rampant corruption in sales tax, federal excise and custom duties, the total collection is only 25-30 percent of actual potential. In fiscal year 2011-12, FBR collected Rs. 804.8 billion under the head sales tax, Rs 122.5 billion under federal excise duty and only Rs. 216.9 billion under custom duties. Total indirect collection of Rs 1148.2 billion was pathetically low. It should have been at least Rs. 3500 billion. If existing tax gap is bridged, the total revenue collection would be Rs. 8500 billion. There is no need to be dejected. We have tremendous potential. All we need is good governance, effective and modern tax administration and prudent use of public money. At the same time, it is necessary to ensure redistribution of income and wealth through progressive taxation—taxing the rich for the benefit of the poor. At present, we are taxing the poor for the benefit of the rich.

The new elected government can end debt-enslavement, which is the main cause of our subjugation provided that as a first step, the President, Prime Minister, ministers, parliamentarians, heads of political parties and high-ranking government officials, start living modestly, pay and collect taxes wherever due and by their behaviour, mobilise the masses for discharging their obligations diligently.

Nawaz Sharif’s Test is How Will He Treat Musharraf

The news from Pakistan is often terrible. There was violence leading up to the parliamentary election. At least Pakistan did manage to have an election in which about 60 percent of voters participated and has achieved a peaceful transition of power in a country where coups have predominated. The election was a welcome repudiation of militants who are trying to overthrow the state.

Pakistanis deserve credit for their courage, and the military for allowing the election to go ahead and deploying 73,000 troops to keep order. And while serious charges of vote-rigging must be investigated, it appears that most Pakistanis are willing to accept that former PM Nawaz Sharif and his party will dominate the next Parliament.

Sharif, who lives in his palatial home outside Lahore, replete with stuffed lions and gilded furniture, faces staggering challenges.

With the economy in a death spiral, he wisely made his finance minister his first appointment, selecting Ishaq Dar. Mr. Dar held that job twice in the 1990s. Mr. Sharif is a fiscal conservative who favors free-market economics. His tasks are to reduce a bloated public sector, end energy shortages and persuade Pakistanis to pay taxes, without which the government cannot hope to stabilize the economy.

Making peace and fostering trade with India would advance that goal.

A major obstacle to effective civilian rule in Pakistan and peace with India, has been the military. Sharif returned from exile in 2007 to build a new political movement. The Army has since withdrawn from an overt political role, yet it remains a potent force.

Repairing badly damaged relations with the United States will be another major test.

Sharif has major differences with the American government, including his tendency to coddle terrorist groups and his opposition to drone strikes, but he has worked with the United States in the past and should try again.

Ultimately, the success of democracies and the politicians they produce depend on good governance. It is up to Sharif to prove that strong civilian leadership can turn things around in Pakistan.

The last time that Nawaz Sharif had close dealings with the Pakistani Army, soldiers handcuffed him and imprisoned him in an ancient fort overlooking the Indus River, physically dragging him from office in a coup.

The success of his relationship with the generals will revolve around two related questions: Has he changed? And have they?

He has new tools at his disposal. Much of the hopeful talk surrounding his landslide victory is focused on how Mr. Sharif seems different — more mellow, less authoritarian — than during his two previous stints as PM in the 1990s. And he returns to power with a mandate from Pakistani voters who have apparently given his party a near outright majority in Parliament.

When the military deposed him in 1999, he had earned the displeasure of its leadership for his outreach to India — which this week he promised to renew — as well as his clumsy attempt to fire the army chief, Gen.Musharraf. Since then, the military has faced several humiliations, including the American commando raid that killed Osama bin Laden in 2011, that have hurt its public image. And under Gen. Kayani, the army has shown little public appetite for openly meddling in politics, much less mounting another coup.

Against that backdrop, the success — and perhaps length — of Sharif’s tenure will be determined by how he negotiates the relationship with Pakistan’s unelected power players. They include the United States, an ally with whom he has a long and sometimes unhappy history and that has worried about his vigor in fighting Islamist militants.

There is a newly crusading judiciary to gauge.

And above all loom the generals, and his tense history with them.

His career was midwifed in the mid-1980s by Gen. Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, the military dictator, then cut short by the 1999 coup that brought General Musharraf to power. Mr. Sharif spent years in exile in Saudi Arabia.

Bitterness from that painful episode was widely believed to have colored Mr. Sharif’s attitude to the army after he returned to Pakistan in 2007. For a time, he regularly hurled rhetorical broadsides at the military that made even members of his own party, who are pro-military by inclination, uncomfortable.

In recent months, Mr. Sharif has adopted a more conciliatory tone. Now he glosses over any differences, telling reporters that his problem had been with General Musharraf’s coup, not with the military as a whole.

“I think the rest of the army resented Mr. Musharraf’s decision,” he said. “So I don’t hold the rest of the army responsible for that.”

Still, there are hints that Mr. Sharif will insist on asserting his authority in ways that could put the generals on edge.

In interviews with the Indian news media in recent days, Mr. Sharif stressed his desire to normalize relations with New Delhi — a subject that the army, which has fought three major wars with India — views as its central concern.

On a different front, the country’s newly assertive Supreme Court also presents Mr. Sharif with a challenge, and perhaps some opportunity.

The previous government found itself embroiled in legal battles with the buccaneering chief justice, who conducted his longstanding rivalry with President Zardari and his PPP through a series of high-profile court cases.

At the same time, judges have been relatively lenient with Mr. Sharif. Cases related to bank loans that his family defaulted on in the 1990s, and payments that Mr. Sharif received from military intelligence about the same time, all received relatively light treatment.

“The Supreme Court only had one eye, and it was trained on the Peoples Party,” said Ayaz Amir, a former lawmaker from Mr. Sharif’s party.

But now that he is in power, Mr. Sharif’s cozy relationship with the courts could come under strain. Under Justice Chaudhry, the courts have amassed new powers, hauling senior government officials before judges to account for their failings on matters ranging from blatant corruption to the weaknesses of the traffic system.

Sharif, who also has a stubborn streak, could find himself drawn into a clash with Justice Chaudhry.

Sharif might look at this court and find it a bit too activist for his liking, with its tendency to push government up against the wall. Still, the potential for conflict may be limited: Justice Chaudhry is set to retire in December, which leaves relatively little time for a battle between the courts and Sharif.

On the campaign trail, Mr. Sharif played to populist sentiment by condemning drone strikes in the tribal belt and suggesting, in vague terms, that he would seek to avoid bowing to American dictates. But the perilous state of Pakistan’s economy means that he may require American support for a bailout by the IMF — one that economists believe will be necessary in the coming months.

Behind the scenes, American diplomats are likely to pressure him for stronger action against militants.

Sharif was measured in the campaign in his criticism of the Taliban, which notably did not attack his party’s election events as they did those of more secular parties. Indeed, the perception that Mr. Sharif had an ambiguous view, at best, toward militants was a constant source of tension with American officials during his first stints in office.

Sharif may now come under pressure — from the army as well as the United States — to clamp down on militant havens in his home province of Punjab, parts of which have become hotbeds of sectarian violence led by Sunni extremist groups.

But in foreign policy, Mr. Sharif has another source of support: his close relationship with Saudi Arabia, where he whiled away his exile. King Abdullah helped broker Mr. Sharif’s return to Pakistan in 2007, and Sharif maintains close ties with Riyadh. That relationship, although discreet, could provide an alternative source of economic aid, as well as a powerful ally.

His old nemesis, General Musharraf, is under house arrest at his villa outside Islamabad over several judicial prosecutions. The Supreme Court has decreed that Mr. Sharif’s administration will have to decide whether the former army ruler should face treason charges, which carry a possible death penalty.

A steel baron by background, and conservative by inclination, Mr. Sharif has long had a reputation as a man who does not forgive or forget. The Musharraf case presents him with an obvious opportunity for revenge. But even critics say he has softened over the years, and is more likely to take a lenient approach in the interest of avoiding an unnecessary confrontation with the army.

He’s a more mature person now, less impulsive than before. It would be foolish to start settling scores. The Musharraf case will be a major test of that.

 

How is Democracy Supposed to Work?

The Right to Democracy

The word “Democracy” comes from the Greek word demokratia, from demos ‘the people’, and -kratia which means ‘power, rule.’

“Democracy” therefore means “power of the people.”

How is democracy supposed to work?  

People have simple wishes. They want a leader who will make these wishes come true. Through the voting process, the people elect individuals to the government’s top positions. Those who get the majority vote are given the power to run the country.

What should those elected to power in government do?

They should serve and keep their promises to the public, who voted for them and gave them power.

What are the people’s wishes?

They want peace on the streets, a good job that is earned on merit, no torture, no slavery, no corruption, freedom to express themselves, religious freedom and no discrimination. Simply stated, they want the 30 Human Rights.

These 30 Rights are the values of democracy.

These values should be practised in our daily lives, in our own homes and at our work places. This is how we set the foundation of the values of democracy in our society.

How do we judge those in power?

Did they do a good or bad job while they ruled? You can evaluate a government to be successful to the degree it ensures the Rights of People, without discrimination.

Gaining power through the method of democracy and then ruling as a dictator, does not in any way undermine the concept of democracy. It just reflects badly on those in power, who showed themselves to be self-indulgent, corrupt, motivated by greed and who therefore failed to serve the public.

The public want a government that will grant and protect the rights of individuals. They expect those elected to serve the people, by giving people their basic rights. The doors of democracy in Pakistan will be opened provided the public makes those in power accountable.

The people of Pakistan deserve the best.

Finally the Tender to Run Pakistan…Thank God

Tender for running Pakistan

Vaqar Ahmed

Tender No. GOP 2013/193CTR/PTL/TEN/420

Tender Notice for Running the Country
The Government of Pakistan requires the service of an International Organization to run the country for a period of twenty-five years.

Country Background:
It is generally believed that Pakistan was created for the Muslims of India. However, there is still debate in the country regarding the ideology of Pakistan. Some say that Pakistan came into being so unexpectedly that no one had the time to define its ideology. The state of Pakistan can be categorized as one of the following (or any combination thereof):

• Islamic
• Secular
• Democratic
• Autocratic
• Militaristic
• Autistic

Since the creation of Pakistan, following governments have been in place:

1947 – 1948 Mohammed Ali Jinnah, founder of Pakistan was the first head of the state. Unfortunately, he passed away in 1948.

1948 – 1958 During this period 10 governments came and went. During this time a prime minister was assassinated and another exiled.

1958 – 1968 First Military coup and Martial law. The new Chief Martial Law Administrator and later President and Field Marshal, Mohammed Ayub Khan, ruled for ten years. People got sick and tired of dictatorship and went out in the streets calling the gentleman-soldier a dog. This broke his heart and he resigned. He was a decent sort of a chap who enriched only his own family and in return built many dams and a new city. He also authored a book titled “Friends and Masters”. Following the poor performance of the subsequent governments, he is today remembered as a Saint.

1971  The job of running the country became easier as the enslaved half of the country was freed through the goodwill and humanitarianism of the Pakistan military. The freed slaves made their own country called Bangladesh. The people of Bangladesh proved to be very ungrateful and now refuse to play cricket with Pakistan.

1972 – 1977 A young Oxford educated feudal Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto became the Chief Martial Law Administrator and then the Prime Minister. His main strength was his fiery speeches in good English and bad Urdu. He was such a good Muslim that he accepted all the key demands of the clerics like declaring the Ahmedis non-Muslims and banning alcohol. Being a man of conscience he started drinking heavily to lessen the pain of taking such horrid decisions. He also wisely purged all the left wing troublemakers in his party and replaced them with solid, reliable and wise men from the feudal class.

1977 – 1987 Mr. Bhutto’s top general Zia-ul-Haq did not see eye to eye with Mr. Bhutto. One part of the reason was that he was squint eyed and the second that he did not think that Mr. Bhutto was Islamic enough. So he did “Istikhara” (requesting guidance from God) and after receiving permission deposed the Prime Minister in a coup.

He announced that elections would take place in 90 days. However, the people were so pleased with the General that they beseeched him to stay. Being a true democrat the General could not turn down the request of the masses and decided to stay on to serve them. Just to make sure that he could serve the people with his full attention he declared that the pesky Mr. Bhutto had hanged himself in a fierce police encounter. Being a hospitable man, he invited all the Muslim Afghan brethren to live in Pakistan. He also helped them fight the infidels from Russia. He had a rich uncle named Sam who provided the required finances.

This pious man would be still in power if it were not for his love of mangoes. He filled up his plane with so many crates of mangoes that it crashed due to the excessive weight. Many in Pakistan were deeply saddened by the loss of such good mangoes.

1988 – 2013 The period from 1947 to 1988 was a game of musical chairs and no one remembers who came and who went and where and why. It is not clear who is running the affairs of Pakistan; in an opinion poll majority felt that it was God.

Scope of Work of the Bidder: 

The bidder will be solely responsible for running the Government of Pakistan.  This will include (but not limited to):

1. Disbanding the band of thieves that has been running the country for the past 65 years and deporting them to their home countries like the USA, Saudi Arabia, Dubai, Great Britain, and Canada.

2. Ensuring that containers are used for the sole purpose of transporting goods.

3. Banning spitting of phlegm, tobacco, niswar, and paan peek in public places and particularly on stairwells.

4. Removing all garbage strewn around the country and dumping it outside.

5. Arresting all the religious extremists and putting them in a rehabilitation centre run by Doctor Maulana Tahirul Qadri.

6. Removing all the political talk show anchors and using them as anchors for the boats in the oily waters of Kemari.

7. Changing the foreign policy from misaligned to non-aligned.

8. Eliminating the police force by making it mandatory for them to have a 32 inch waist.

9. Making Hijab mandatory for men and optional for women.

Bidder Qualification:

• Bidders from countries deemed to be more corrupt than Pakistan in the Transparency International Rankings will be subject to immediate disqualification.

• Bidders from previous colonizing countries like Great Britain, The Netherlands, Belgium, Spain and France will be given preference.

• Bidders from the USA are not eligible to bid as they are already running the Government of Pakistan.

• Bidders from Nigeria need not apply.

• The language of the bids can be any as long as it is English.

• Influencing the bid evaluation process by means of bribery is strictly prohibited unless it is at least $50 million and made through proper channels.

Submission of Tender:

• Tenders will be submitted in quadruplicate in hard copy by courier.

• As per normal procurement rules 10 per cent of the bid price will be deposited as “goodwill”

• Tenders will be submitted to the following address:

The Section Officer
Services and General Administration Division
Pakistan Secretariat
Islamabad

Closing date for the Tenders is 14 August 2013.

What to Do on May 11: Pakistan’s Kaun Banega Crorepati Day

Najam Sethi in Cohoots with Zardari

Najam Sethi, now a bosom friend of Zardari, has been appointed as caretaker CM Punjab as a reward for keeping mum on his mega corruptions during present continuing rule. He was also the  ehtesab adviser to prime minister during 1996 caretaker govt. of Mr. Leghari, investigating corruption of Zardari and Benazir during their 1993-96 rule.

He is now preparing ground for re-election of Zardari.

See a video prepared by BBC named as “PRINCESS N PLAYBOY” soon after dismissal of Benazir govt. of 1993-96 by Farooq Leghari on corruption of the couple. Mr. Najam Sethi is star evidence testifying n investigating against corruption of Zardari and Bhutto in the documentary as ehtesab minister of caretaker setup.

http://www.dailymotion.com/video/xubf0i_princess-and-the-playboy-bbc-1996_news?start=900#.UV-vQKL-Eaj

Mr. Sethi is telling BBC that the couple was partners in crime and he has evidence to prove that. He, said that Zardari has ruined Benazir’s political career.

Look at the peculiar mindset of the gentleman in two caretaker setups—Once as Ehtesab Advisor in 1996 persecuting Zardari and now as CM Punjab rewarding Zardari.

Judiciary Should Not Interfere in Elections

by Baseer Naveed

Judiciary, (the sitting and retired judges) and the media houses have always remained on the side of autocratic governments. These people are trying to influence the elections for their narrow minded designs such as the centuries-old Islamic society and the selection of righteous persons who must be a role model for such a society on the pattern of the Taliban. Prior to this election the judiciary had always been a puppet of the military regime in power and up until now had never enjoyed such power of monitoring the affairs of the government.

Now the Supreme Court is coercing the election commission to select only those they consider ‘righteous’ through its judicial dictates.

Before, it was the military that selected the ‘righteous’ candidates and used coercive actions against the candidates who were attempting to create a democracy and who were in favour of political governments. However today the judiciary has taken up the role of putting the country on an Islamic system and is using Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution as the best whip for the candidates to get favourable persons in the coming elections. These Articles sum up the requirements of a candidate. For example, his citizenship, age and registration as a voter, the candidate must be a righteous person and a strict adherent to the laws of Islam; alternatively, the candidate may be considered unsuitable if he or she is of unsound mind, an undischarged insolvent or a relative of such, has taken citizenship in a foreign country or has criticised the military and/or the judiciary. Furthermore, the candidate must have never propagated any idea or opinion contrary to the ideology of Pakistan.

The elections have become a mockery in that the judiciary has already decided the type of person they want in power. The person must be subservient to the higher judiciary, a servant of Islam and faithful to the armed forces. The media houses are also exerting pressure on the judiciary by issuing concocted stories against candidates that they consider unsuitable while at the same time promoting their own favourites. The purpose of this whole exercise is to undermine the rights of the people of the country to elect the person that they want in office. Their ‘line’ is that the only righteous candidates are those that the judiciary and the media houses promote.

The entire process of the nomination papers and their scrutiny has become a mockery due to the type of questions asked by the officers at the EC. Such questions include: how many wives do you have? If more than one are they both treated equally? Why do you have a second wife? How many times should you pray in a day and what are the names of the prayers? Candidates are asked to recite extracts from the Quran at random. Do you prefer your son over your daughter and why? The history and creation of Pakistan, and amazingly, do you prefer summer or winter? Which trees bear fruit and which do not? What is the correct method of taking a bath or shower? What is the correct method of ablution? What time of the evening to return home. These are just a few among the 60 questions that candidates must answer.

Such questions are asked which have nothing what-so-ever to do the suitability of the candidate to rule the country. They are designed solely for the purpose of insulting and humiliating any candidate that dares to take part in the election without the permission of the judiciary and the EC which consists of retired judges.

The judiciary has placed the EC in the position where it has three days to weed out those candidates who have forged their educational degrees, the defaulters of bank loans and those having dual citizenship. In the legal process it can be argued that no case can be decided upon within the short span of three days whereas such cases are pending in the higher courts for over ten years, particularly during the Musharraf era. Even the Supreme Court has failed to decide many cases but here they are forcing the EC and lower courts to do what they have not been able to do.

If the EC does not decide within three days it will affect the whole election process and there is the chance that it will be delayed just because the impossible standards of the Supreme Court cannot be met. In fact, the Supreme Court has taken to issuing arrest warrants for some candidates that they do not like and have even passed derogatory comments about them. It is quite evident by comments and general discussions in the media that this is nothing less than pre-poll rigging.

That the elections are being held by a civilian government should be a good thing and have the support of the civilian institutions as according to the wishes of the people. But when it becomes obvious that the Supreme Court is grooming the candidates of their choice it takes the country back to the era of General Muhammad Zia ul Haq, the creator of Articles 62 and 63. He wanted a ‘righteous’ person to be the candidate of the people but despite having the might of the military behind him, along with the power over life and death, even he failed. However, he did manage to find the most corrupt people of the society at that time using the sword of these articles.

One interesting situation that must be raised is as to how the Chief Justice himself and his judiciary failed to bring his son before the law on charges of corruption. Even the judges sitting in the Supreme Court acted like uncles in order to protect him and this was the most glaring example of nepotism in the history of the judiciary. How then is it possible that these same people have the right to decide on the criteria of a ‘righteous’ person?

The end result of the interference by the judiciary and the media houses is that it is the people who are once again being betrayed. This time not by the military but by those who are supposed to be a friend of democracy. It should not be forgotten that is was the people who are now being betrayed that fought in the streets for the reinstatement of the Chief Justice and the independence of the judiciary and by the same token, the independence of the Election Commission. It is this very judiciary that is now betraying those people.

Free and fair elections are the right of the people. However, it is feared that this right is being stolen from them in broad daylight by the very institutions that are supposed to be protecting that right. The actions of the EC and the higher judiciary are tantamount to influencing the people that they themselves do not have the right to elect the person of their choice. It is as if they do not have the intelligence to make a wise choice without the guidance of these institutions.

The Election Commission is not properly utilising the independence and the respect afforded them by parliament. Indeed, this in turn undermines the supremacy of the parliament for the coming five year period. If this is allowed to happen then there will be little difference between the versions of democracy available in the country today with the military rule that the country fought so hard to overcome.

If the higher judiciary and the media houses are allowed to make the choice for the people then it is the people that are being denied the fruits of democracy. The election process itself is the best trial of the suitability of the candidates.

The Ideology of Pakistan

by Baseer Naveed

The most popular slogan during the movement for the creation of Pakistan was, “Haath main lota munh main paan — laiker rahain gay Pakistan”, believe it that this was the ideology of Pakistan

It was on March 25, 1969, when General Yahya Khan imposed another period of Martial Law by sending General Ayub Khan home after he had ruled the country for almost eleven years. I was among those (young) students who were released after serving a jail term of four months on the charge of offending the ‘Defence of Pakistan Rules’ (DPR). General Yahya announced that general elections would be held in October 1970 but this was postponed to December 7 because of flooding in former East Pakistan. We were not voters in those days but very active in the students movement and had launched a country-wide movement against the military regime of General Ayub.

As the elections were announced, suddenly Pakistanis heard the phrase, the “Ideology of Pakistan”. Everybody was surprised with this terminology. In those days many leaders were still alive who had been in the forefront of the Pakistan movement in both East and West Pakistan. All the leadership denied this terminology but later on when Bangladesh was formed and those who preferred to live in West Pakistan used this phrase to justify the killings of innocent Bengalis for the punishment of disassociating with Pakistan.

The true story behind the Ideology of Pakistan was that General Yahya Khan had a Minister of Information by the name of Nawabzada Sher Ali Khan. He was short of stature and liked to be called Bonapart. Indeed, he had a statue of himself at his house and took great delight in showing it to his visitors. One leader from Jamat-e-Islami (JI), Mian Tufail Mohammad, was very close to Nawabzada and treated him as a true Muslim or ‘Islam Pasand’. The JI and its leader, Abul Aala Maudoodi, invented the term Islam Pasand for the Islamic religious parties but generally people said that the religious parties were not, in fact, Islamic but only paid Islam lip service. So, Jamat-e-Islami was, in those days, declared as Islam Pasand.

Nawabzada and Mian Tufail started campaigning for the new-born Ideology of Pakistan. This was the first time the phrase was introduced and more than 70 percent of the population was not considered as Islam Pasand. A strong propaganda campaign was initiated by the state about the Ideology of Islam by using the Ministry of Information which was virtually under control of the Jamat-e-Islami. Then May 31 was declared as the day of “Shoukat-e-Isam”, the supremacy of Islam. Hence, the Jamat-e-Islami started at country level under the patronage of the Martial Law government.

To impose the slogan of the Ideology of Pakistan many student groups, trade unions, professional associations such as the Pakistan Medical Association, Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists, bar associations and several civil society groups were declared non Islamic. Again we (the young) students were arrested in 1969 with hundreds of ‘infidels’ and tried by military courts. I was sentenced by the military court to one year of rigorous imprisonment and was incarcerated in Bahawalpur Central Prison with hardened prisoners. The prison was used for under-trial prisoners of murders and it was just next to Phansi Ghat (the place where executions took place by hanging). We were also booked under section 124A of the Pakistan Penal Code on charges of hatching a criminal conspiracy against Pakistan. This charge was framed against us because we were very much vocal against the Islamic Ideology.

The General and his favourite party, the JI, failed to convince the people on the Ideology of Pakistan and Jamat-e-Islami only got four out of the 300 seats. The Ideology could not take off at the initial stage and it crashed. The JI leader, Maudoodi cursed the people calling them donkeys and not true Muslims. The JI created two militant organizations, the Al-Shams and Al-Badr, who were given the task of punishing the anti Ideology of Pakistan elements and extending full support to the Pakistan army for cleansing the anti Pakistan element from former East Pakistan, present day Bangladesh. Over 30,000 women were raped and killed and millions of people were killed in East Pakistan in the name of this ‘Ideology’.

Whenever there is the chance of free and fair elections in Pakistan this Ideology stupidity resurfaces to call the supra constitutional forces to safeguard the ideological boundaries of the country. This is an intentional initiative from these forces and now the judiciary is also involved in the attempt to stop the Pakistan becoming a ‘nation state’. It looks very much as if Pakistan is not a country but an ideology. The judicial officers at the helm of the elections are asking questions about the personal behavior of the candidates and then associating it with the Ideology of Pakistan.

The real back ground of the Ideology of Pakistan was that it has never existed during the movement for the creation of the country. There was only the two nation theory; the Hindu nation and the Muslim nation and this was the basis of the creation of Pakistan which within a period of 24 years proved to be foolishness as another Muslim state was created from the womb of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. It was claimed that religion cannot be a bonding element for the different nationalities.

The Bengalis were more Muslim than the people of West Pakistan but they had to prove themselves before the ordinary soldiers of Pakistan by opening their sarongs (Lungi) or trousers to prove that they were circumcised. One can find these photographs on the Google engine.

All these absurdities were created to turn a country into a theocratic state but it has always failed. One example of this was General Muhammad Zia ul Haq’s attempt to create an Islamic state and he added articles to the Constitution for the election of righteous and pure people. However, despite the fact that he had the full support of the military he failed. He wanted Pakistan to be an Islamic state based on 1400 years of Islamic teachings and the result was that the most corrupt people from the society of the day were elected to his parliament.

Today, only state run institutions practice this Islamification order to provide protection for their corruption, nepotism and undemocratic way of governance. The founding fathers have never used these words in their speeches or manifestos. But the most popular slogan of the movement of Pakistan was “Hath main lota munh main paan—laker rahain gay Pakistan”. Lota means a spherical water vessel of brass, copper or plastic used in parts of South Asia for self cleaning. The meaning of this slogan is that by holding the lota in one hand and beetle nuts in the mouth we will ultimately get the Pakistan we want. However many poets and writers tried to develop many slogans including some religious ones but those never gained in popularity among the Muslim population of the Sub Continent of India.

The proponents of the Ideology of Pakistan want to snatch the fundamental rights of the people by refusing them the possibility of individual liberty, freedom of expression and opinion and the choice to elect the representatives they want in government. They want a rigid and theocratic society based on their version of Islam so that they can negate the concept of a modern state.

If the persons elected were, in fact, pure Muslim according to the so-called Ideology of Pakistan then this means that Pakistan will become a pure Islamic and theocratic country where there would be no room for democracy. Religion and democracy cannot coexist as democracy is essentially a secular phenomenon. In a secular system all sections of a society are treated equally. The sole purpose of the Ideology of Pakistan is to deny the people of the country their sovereignty, equal rights, prosperity and the rule of law.

 

Taliban Have Reached Karachi

Karachi is no stranger to gangland violence, driven for years by a motley collection of armed groups who battle over money, turf and votes.

But there is a new gang in town. Hundreds of miles from their homeland in the mountainous northwest, Pakistani Taliban fighters have started to flex their muscles more forcefully in parts of this vast city, and they are openly taking ground.

Taliban gunmen have mounted guerrilla assaults on police stations, killing scores of officers. They have stepped up extortion rackets that target rich businessmen and traders, and shot dead public health workers engaged in polio vaccination efforts. In some neighborhoods, Taliban clerics have started to mediate disputes through a parallel judicial system.

The grab for influence and power in Karachi shows that the Taliban have been able to extend their reach across Pakistan, even here in the country’s most populous city, with about 20 million inhabitants. No longer can they be written off as endemic only to the country’s frontier regions.

In joining Karachi’s street wars, the Taliban are upending a long-established network of competing criminal, ethnic and political armed groups in this combustible city. The difference is that the Taliban’s agenda is more expansive — it seeks to overthrow the Pakistani state — and their operations are run by remote control from the tribal belt along the Afghan border.

Already, the militants have reshaped the city’s political balance by squeezing one of the most prominent political machines, the Pashtun-dominated Awami National Party, off its home turf. They have scared Awami operatives out of town and destroyed offices, gravely undercutting the party’s chances in national elections scheduled for May.

“We are the Taliban’s first enemy,” said Shahi Syed, the party’s provincial head, at his newly fortified office. “They burn my offices, they tear down my flags and they kill our people.”

The Taliban drift into Karachi actually began years ago, though much more quietly. Many fled here after a concerted Pakistani military operation in the Swat Valley in 2009. The influx has gradually continued, officials here say, with Taliban fighters able to easily melt into the city’s population of fellow ethnic Pashtuns, estimated to number at least five million people.

Until recently, the militants saw Karachi as a kind of rear base, using the city to lie low or seek medical treatment, and limiting their armed activities to criminal fund-raising, like kidnapping and bank robberies.

But for at least six months now, there have been signs that their timidity is disappearing. The Taliban have become a force on the street, aggressively exerting their influence in the ethnic Pashtun quarters of the city.

Taliban tactics are most evident in Manghopir, an impoverished neighborhood of rough, cinder-block houses clustered around marble quarries on the northern edge of the city, where illegal housing settlements spill into the surrounding desert.

In recent months, Taliban militants have attacked the Manghopir police station three times, killing eight officers, said Muhammad Aadil Khan, a local member of Parliament.

In interviews, residents describe Taliban militants who roam on motorbikes or in jeeps with tinted windows, delivering extortion demands in the shape of two bullets wrapped in a piece of paper.

A factory owner in Manghopir, speaking on the condition of anonymity out of fear for his safety, said that several Pashtun businessmen had received demands for $10,000 to $50,000. The figure was negotiable, he said, but payment was not: resistance could result in an assault on the victim’s house or, in the worst case, a bullet to the head.

Mr. Khan said he had not dared to visit his constituency in months. “There is a personal threat against me,” he said, speaking at the headquarters of his party, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, which represents ethnic Mohajirs, in the city center.

The militant drive has even distressed Manghopir’s most revered residents: the dozens of crocodiles who inhabit a pool near a Sufi shrine here.

The Muslim pilgrims who come here to pay homage to the shrine’s saint have long also brought scraps of meat for his reptile charges.

But lately, as visitor numbers have dwindled from hundreds per day to barely a few dozen, the roughly 120 crocodiles here have grown hungry, according to the animals’ elderly caretaker.

Police officials, militant sources and Pashtun residents say that three major Taliban factions operate in Karachi — the most powerful one, which is rooted in South Waziristan and dominated by the Mehsud tribe, and two others from the Swat and Mohmand areas.

A senior city police officer, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said that militant commanders with those factions send operational orders to Karachi from the tribal belt; while some captured militants have tried to justify their activities by citing the authorization of religious clerics in the northwest.

In cases, he added, regular criminal groups have posed as Taliban fighters in a bid to increase their power of intimidation.

Just why the Taliban are adopting such an aggressive profile in Karachi right now is unclear. Some cite the greater number of militants fleeing Pakistani military operations in the northwest; others say it may be the product of dwindling funds, as jihadi donors in the Persian Gulf states turn to the Middle East.

In any event, it has shaken the city’s bloody ethnic politics.

Since the 1980s, armed supporters of the Mohajir-dominated Muttahida Qaumi Movement have engaged in tit-for-tat violence with those of the Pashtun-dominated Awami National Party. In the worst periods, dozens of people have died in a day. Now, faced with a common enemy, figures in both parties say they have declared an uneasy, unofficial truce.

As well as the attack on the Awami party — which have seen it close 44 of its district offices across the city — the Pakistan Taliban claimed responsibility for two attacks on the Muttahida Qaumi Movement — first, a bombing that killed four people, then the assassination of a party parliamentarian.

In a recent interview with The New York Times in North Waziristan, the Taliban spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan said the group was targeting both parties — as well as President Zardari’s PPP — for their “liberal” policies.

The security forces, shaken out of complacency, have begun a number of major anti-Taliban operations. The latest of those occurred on March 23 when hundreds of paramilitary Rangers raided a residential area in Manghopir, near the crocodile shrine, confiscating a cache of more than 50 weapons and rounding up 200 people, 16 of whom were later identified as militants and detained.

“I don’t think the Taliban would like to set Karachi aflame, because they fear the reaction against them,” said Ikram Seghal, a security consultant in Karachi. “The police and intelligence agencies have very good information about them.”

Other factors limit the Pakistani Taliban’s ingress into Karachi. One of the more provocative ones is that allied militants — particularly the Afghan Taliban — might not like the added publicity. The Afghan wing has long used the city as place to rest and resupply. There are longstanding rumors that the movement’s leader, Mullah Muhammad Omar, is taking shelter here, and that his leadership council, known as the Quetta Shura, has met in Karachi.

In such a vast and turbulent city, the Taliban may become just another turf-driven gang. But without a determined response from the security forces, experts say, they could also seek to become much more.

Failure of the PPP & ANP to Hold Local Government Elections is Inexcusable

The PPP and the PML-n remained in power for five long years but failed to hold local government elections in the country. There is absolutely no excuse for this undemocratic behavior.

During the last year of its rule, pressed by the MQM, the PPP introduced the Sindh Peoples Local Government Act (SPLGA) which led to anti-PPP protests organized by the Sindhi nationalists who otherwise lack public support in Sindh.

All these factors constrained the PPP to cajole its ally to rescind the politically incendiary law.

The belated adieu by the MQM to the government is viewed as an overtly cosmetic move under a premeditated script. On the day that acting governor of Sindh, Nisar Ahmed Khuhro, signed to repeal the SPLGA. Nevertheless, the interment of a divisive law averted a lurking ethnic frenzy in the province, already mired with unremitting violence, especially in Karachi.

In the presence of this law, the next general elections could have been a nightmare for the PPP in Sindh.

Although the opposition has been disarmed of its would-be most popular slogan of divisive law, the lacklustre performance of the PPP during the past five years has sufficiently exasperated its voters.

Rampant corruption, brazen violation of merit in postings and transfers, displacement of several million flood affectees, substandard quality of social sector services, ubiquitous lawlessness, shabby infrastructure and scruffy towns can provide ample ammunition for the election campaign of opposition parties.

For the PPP, the past platitude of victimisation and martyrdom of the Bhuttos has lost its lustre to fascinate the masses this time. Portending this ominous fact, the party has embarked upon a medley of actions, including cajoling feudal lords in Sindh.

This cacophony of political manoeuvring, however, does not obviate the need for a viable local bodies system in Sindh. Both parties cannot be absolved for their failure in providing an amicable solution to this conundrum during their five-year rule.

An ethnically polarised province needs a local bodies system that can bridge ethnic divide in the province and guarantee quality service delivery to all residents. While the SPLGA was a flawed arrangement, the 1979 Sindh Local Bodies Ordinance is not an ideal choice, either, and needs to be supplanted by a more amicable and workable system of service delivery.

Any party that takes reins of the province after the next elections should initiate a dialogue among the people of Sindh to develop consensus on a local bodies system that can devolve powers and resources without clenching them in the fist of any single entity. Creating islands of prosperity in the ocean of impoverishment would culminate in an endless turmoil.

A credible local bodies system that guarantees prudent management of resources and a fair exercise of authority can tap the unharnessed potential of the province to create development opportunities for all residents without watering ethnic acrimonies in the province.