Migrants Forced to Prostitute in Sabha, Libya

Clip_20 (2)The outskirts of Libya’s main southern town and Saharan smuggling hub look post-apocalyptic. Charred frames of burnt-out cars are lodged on top of smouldering rubbish heaped by the roadside, and tracks snake off through the dirty scrubland towards half-finished houses.

This is where people smugglers, who cram up to 31 people at a time into Toyota pick-up trucks for the three-day journey from Niger through the Sahara Desert, drop their customers.

Some are met by friends, relatives or smugglers, while others walk towards the town. But, although initially thankful to have survived the harsh desert crossing, migrants found that the arrival in Sabha heralded the worst part of their journey to the eastern Mediterranean.

“When we arrived, we were immediately taken to a kind of prison, a house where there were about 200 other migrants,” said 19-year-old Bouba from Senegal. “They made us call our families back home and demanded that they sent 2,000 Libyan dinar ($1,458) for each person.”

Jens, 24, from Guinea Bissau showed scars on his arms and back, which he said were from brutal beatings inflicted by his captors. “They beat me and kept saying: ‘What’s wrong with you? Why don’t your parents send the money? Don’t they love you?’ It was horrible, but my family has so little money that it took them two months to borrow enough to pay for my release.”

Tribal complications

Passage through Libya has long been the main route from Africa to Europe. Today, the main path for sub-Saharan Africans to reach the Mediterranean coast is organised between several regional tribes and runs from the city of Agadez in central Niger to Sabha.

The desert route is worked almost exclusively by the Tabu, a semi-nomadic Saharan tribe populating harsh and inhospitable terrain with few opportunities in Libya, Chad and Niger.

With other powerful Arab tribes dominating the smuggling of goods, people smuggling is one of few lucrative job prospects. But after a series of fierce tribal conflicts in the town, much of Sabha is now off-limits to the Tabu.

“Often the migrants have a contact number of someone in Sabha and I just drop them there, on the outskirts. If they don’t know anyone, I leave them with some Arab guy but that is not my business,” 29-year-old people smuggler Adem said. “My job is to get these people from Agadez to Sabha. That’s it. After that, I don’t care.”

For their onward journey, migrants are forced to rely on members of several Arab tribes, some of whom work with middlemen.

Miserable way station

“Sabha is just a terrible place,” said Nigerian electrician Sammy, 35, now working in Tripoli. “When I arrived there, the Nigerian middleman said I owed him money for the journey he helped organise. I had my passport taken and was imprisoned. They demanded $2,000 and I had to phone my mother and ask her to sell all my possessions, including the family’s generator. But that only made the equivalent of 300 dinar ($219).”

Clip_26He described how he was forced to work for eight months in Sabha to make enough money to pay the outstanding balance. “I worked like a slave in a house for where I cleaned and worked for African prostitutes,, cooked for the women and washed their clothes,” he said. “They were prisoners too, but captured migrant women are forced to be prostitutes in Sabha. Some of them were from Nigeria, like me. Imagine: I had to watch my sisters being used in this way. They were paid $10 to have sex with disgusting old men. It made me feel sick, but I could do nothing to help them.”

A young Nigerian woman, Marie, 23, said she narrowly escaped this fate after the woman who arranged her journey to Libya, with the false promise of a retail job in Europe, turned on her in Sabha. “Her Libyan boyfriend came to meet us and they told me I had to pay 2,000 dinar ($1,458) if I wanted to continue my journey. When I said I couldn’t pay, he said: ‘you will use your body to get the money’. But I refused,” she said.

“They made me call my mum and put the phone on speaker and beat me so my mum could hear me screaming.” Her captors eventually accepted a smaller sum, which a distant relative brought, in person, from Tripoli.

There are several huge warehouses where migrants, especially women, were kept. At night, he said, the warehouses became ‘dens of inequity,’ where alcohol and prostitutes were available, and music blasted out across the town. One tribe runs that area and no one from any other tribe can enter. Even the army cannot go there.

Lawless and powerless

Sabha is one of Libya’s most lawless towns, where deep-running tribal divisions mean large parts of the city are inaccessible to residents, depending on their tribal background. “Nobody controls Sabha and no one feels safe here,” said Ahmed. “The Third Force [a ‘peacekeeping’ force from Libya’s third city of Misrata] say they are in control, but they actually only control one neighbourhood.”

Frustrated security officials admit that undocumented migrants are the least of their problems. “The crime rate here is not 100 percent, it is 150 percent,” said a senior police officer in Sabha.

“Even to leave the house wearing a police or military uniform puts you in immediate danger,” he explained, adding that for the last two years he has slept in a different place every night, to avoid being killed.

Underfunded, ill-equipped and with staff too afraid to work, the local Department for Combatting Illegal Immigration has not functioned properly for several years. Sabha’s migrant detention centre, eight kilometres outside the town, stands empty, only reachable with a heavily-armed escort.

The police officer said controlling the people-smuggling operations in Sabha was impossible. “Even the migrants know we are powerless,” he said. “Before, when they saw us, they ran away. But now they just stand there and stare at us.”

Child Pornography Victimizes the Depicted Ones

Every time child pornography is viewed, it victimizes those depicted.

Clip_32That basic insight is deeply embedded in modern American law. In 1982, in New York v. Ferber, the Supreme Court held that child pornography was not protected under the First Amendment. The majority opinion recognized the unique harms associated with continuous distribution of child pornography. The court quoted academic research, which concluded that “Because the child’s actions are reduced to a recording, the pornography may haunt him in future years, long after the original misdeed took place.” And that was before child pornography went digital.

Child pornography is not like guns or drugs. It can be infinitely copied and distributed. Every time it is viewed, it victimizes those depicted.

More recently, Congress and the court have taken even greater steps to prevent and discourage unnecessary reviewing of child pornography in the Internet era. In 2006, as part of the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act, Congress enacted restrictions on a defendant’s access to child pornography evidence stopping the practice of defendants automatically receiving digital mirror copies of the evidence. In 2014, the court held, inParoline v. United States, that victims could receive restitution from those who possessed, but did not distribute or create, child pornography portraying them.

Justice Anthony Kennedy’s majority opinion clearly stated that “the harms caused by child pornography … are still more extensive because child pornography is a permanent record of the depicted child’s abuse, and the harm to the child is exacerbated by its circulation.”

One need not agree with the court’s decisions or the Adam Walsh Act to recognize the underlying idea that every distribution and possession of child pornography carries a new victimization with it.

If you put yourself in the shoes of a child pornography victim, you should recognize the incredible helplessness they experience as a record of their victimization is continually circulated among criminals who derive sexual pleasure from viewing their past exploitation.

Child pornography is not like guns or drugs. It can be infinitely copied and distributed. When the government distributes tangible contraband as part of a sting operation, it cannot hope to contain or limit the dissemination of the illegal goods.

If the allegations against the FBI are true regarding its control of the network for approximately two weeks, it actively participated in the revictimization of those depicted in child pornography with no possibility of controlling distribution. Such conduct is immoral and inexcusable. The FBI should have pursued its sting operations without child pornography distribution by utilizing alternatives such as virtual child pornography or by getting warrants based upon the identifying Internet information they could otherwise gather.


Calcutta’s Red Light Area

by Reema Abbasi

Clip_222Sonagachi in Calcutta wears indulgence without apology or remorse. Thin lanes stretch like veins in a 300-year-old district. It makes a single statement — freedom has to be seized for it’s the only possession that will stay forever.

The name means ‘tree of gold’; folklore has it that it was christened after a saint, Sanaullah Ghazi, entombed close to the Shiva temple in the colony. South Asia’s largest sex worker colony, Sonagachi is where over 18,000 women make a living in more than 7,000 four-storey brothels. And from all that the eyes and ears captured, this little city was not joyless.

Fabled buildings that lent their names to movies — Neel Kamal, Lal Kamal, Prem Kamal, Ganga Jamuna, Night Lovers Sangam and Nanda Ranir Bari — live on undiminished. Girls in Neel and Lal Kamal are mostly Agrawalis or Marwaris, who, it is speculated, prefer Muslim or Marwari clientele for affluence.

Clip_88“They take up to 8,000 rupees for a night but can throw you out after an hour,” says a boy lurking in the alley. He speaks of their beauty and insolence, recommending Nanda Ranir Bari for honest Bengali and Nepalese women.

Just then, a dusky girl with a large nose ring, in black leather jeans and boots, moves closer; her tattoos emerge as tales of feral power. “Nothing unique about us; you eat when you are hungry,” she smirks before walking away.

Clip_96The wider lanes are sets of seduction. The azure of the sky is barely visible through strings of red, silver and ochre that shimmer in the burnt gold of dusk. Jasmine and marigolds are spread on dewy mounds of foliage, iridescent musk stands and paan carts line up, and grille balconies double as boudoirs edged with dancing neon. The old carved facades are coated in pinks, greens and yellows, and in crevices business moves to pavements dotted with bedding, like the tight path of Shanti Palace.

As afternoon dulls, the paths are choked with women and brokers. Saris sparkle and guile populates finer quarters, whereas lower cadres are in scanty garb in deeper areas. Doors are left ajar to reveal seedy scenes to lure customers; decibel levels of negotiations rise by the second. It’s their daily cycle of life.

Inside, charm cohabits with crudity; customary patterns in alpana decorate doorsills and ceilings with marigolds and rose petals, against brocade curtains in reds and indigo. These tiny spaces have fragments of life separated in three tiers — at the top is the family platform, the middle has a worship niche and stove and the ground level is the service area.

Ironically, Subhanker, my volunteer, is prey to be shielded. “Don’t leave him outside. Women will lynch him if he refuses,” says Poonam who has spent 25 years here. “I came here after divorce and go to meet my six children once a week. They live with my mother and I live with my babu [partner] who cooks, does the chores and sends money to his family from my earnings. Most older denizens have babus,” she says.

Clip_68The air of empowerment is Sonagachi’s newest avatar; past lifetimes have left wounds that bleed into generations. Paromita, 55, meets me at the Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Committee (DMSC), an initiative which has turned the colony’s fate around. “I got into this trade when there was child trafficking here to support my siblings. They moved on with normal lives; mine stood still. I have a babu and am a bai [madame] now,” she narrates. “We lived in dismal conditions — police raids, rape, child prostitution. Now there is a large Durga platform and processions, but until the late ’90s we were considered too impure to worship a goddess who is incomplete till the mud from a prostitute’s home isn’t mixed in her clay.”

Pramila Singh, having spent 40 years here, doesn’t mind if her educated daughter “comes into this line”. She vouches for DMSC too. “Now girls are free to roam and earn without fear of abuse.”

DMSC, founded by Dr Smarjit Jana, a public health scientist, in 1992, is now run by the community. A marginal community development programme, it ensures prevention from violence, child labour, HIV and STDs, provides micro loans, vocational, sports and arts training.

“No girl will entertain a customer who refuses precaution and there’s a price chart for fetishes,” says Paromita. “We have three-monthly blood tests and a doctor on call round the clock. A board monitors new girls. If she is unwilling or underage, we organise paperwork to return them to guardians. Our union ensures basic civil rights and a secure future for sex workers.”

Usha Bank and Usha Multipurpose Cooperative Society were established in 1995 and employ sex workers or relatives and sends out over 50 collectors for door-to-door service.

The collective addresses the soul too. “We have weekly meetings where sex workers are counselled for past traumas,” says Paromita. “Without recognising sex work as an occupation, support services will not empower women in sex work to live with dignity. It requires courage to challenge our mindset. This will help women in general and sex workers in particular to regain their sociopolitical space,” says Dr Jana.

Shohini Ghosh, director of the award-winning documentary on Sonagachi, Tales of the Night Fairies,supports Jana. “I made the film to make an intervention in the feminist debate on sex work, where the abolitionist position was dominant.”

The model has been replicated in South Africa and in Bangladesh. There is little reason for it not to inspire Pakistan’s health activists to adapt it so that thousands can be saved from violence and disease.

In Paromita’s words, “There’s no one way to see us. From one angle we are a tragedy, from another, we’re free. In the end we’re all dust.”

Many believe there is an end. But choice cannot be extinguished.

Twitter: @ReemaAbbasi

Hyderabad’s Red Light Areas

by Reema Abbasi

Clip_119The business of flesh hangs on despite the ravages of circumstance in the city of Hyderabad, with alluring names like Shahi Mohalla, Bulbuli Hazaar Dastaan, and Bazaari Husn, formerly Sundarta Bazaar.

Walking past the colonial quarters of Hirabad in Hyderabad, where intricate balconies and stone filigree jostle with modern-day eyesores.

Bazaar-i-Husn is said to be some 250 years old with over 600 multi-storey brothels and a hierarchy: the affluent leave their doors ajar — gaudy rooms in pink or red with ornate women who perform in cities or in faraway lands; some leave for a respectable life as the night ages.

By a corner of the ‘offices’, I met the man who has carried the taazia from here for decades. In a sharia-compliant pajama and a white beard, when questioned he went into contortions of denial: “I have nothing to do with this area. Talk to me about religion. I appear on TV for my expertise,” he roared.

But one could hardly slide away without catching his murmurs — “Firdaus hai aaj? Ya sab maiyyat mei gaee hain?” (Is Firdaus available today or is everyone at the funeral?)

Clip_12Some two doors from this sanctimony is veteran stage artist and dancer Jamila, known as Apa Peeno. A friend of the erstwhile movie star and one of the bazaar’s bygone caches, Chakori, Peeno belongs to days when the alleys had splendour.

“We learnt from Maharaj Samrat, and danced in beautiful clothes, heavy anklets, in the company of the genteel. It’s filthy now so I don’t live here,” she says as she takes us for a walk. We stop at a square with a shiny alam, above it a girl combs her hair on a balcony, and strikes a pose to grab lucrative attention.

“This alam stands all year; we bring it down 10 days before Muharram to decorate it afresh,” Peeno says after a quick prayer beneath it. “Saturday is not a night for chatter,” she smirks and leaves with her son.

But for some, every night is a night of exorcism of inner demons. Alia, a retired madam, joins us. “The rich ones will shut their doors now. I can take you to poor homes but they do nights. The government has banned us without another option. So we compromise our health and security,” is a wise gem from her.

A long stroll leads to a squalid hovel jammed with people. An irritable, gnarled woman is perched on the ledge outside it — she has brought a fresh recruit from Punjab. “Go and talk but she doesn’t sell,” says Bhootni Buriya — an apt name.

Her pit of sad darkness has seen glory — exquisite colonial floor tiles, lattice-worked walls, high ceilings and, like a patio, the upper floor opens into it with a grille balcony. It reeks of weed and alcohol; some refuse to awaken even in the din; a zombie-like man stares and two girls sit near the door. It was once home to former film star Neeli; the man with the vacant look is her uncle. A photograph of the girl who disowned them, adorns a wall. “Neeli now lives in Qasimabad and comes for Muharram,” discloses Alia.

Just then a policeman arrives. They are discreetly forbidden to talk; a girl disappears upstairs. “They take bhatta from us with free service,” cribs the old woman.
Clip_163For lower sex workers, the balance of power does not tip in their favor. However, Pathani, Alia and their ilk can call the shots. They were both abducted at 10 and 12 years of age. At a distance of a few yards from Neeli’s past is Pathani’s duplex where she rents a stark room. Still a beautiful woman, Pathani has spent 30 years in the trade.

At her place, the two embark on their tales of love and betrayal. “I have nine children. I was so happy when my ex-husband proposed. It was a way out. But he was another salesman like Alia’s; she stayed and I separated,” Pathani says with tears then cracks crass jokes about men.

“We do a lot of nasha. Where else will relief come from? Some men pay to talk for hours. Are doctors in short supply?” she laughs. Little does she realise that they are vessels of grime that send out cleansed souls.

Clip_115These are also places where you least expect a wish list of love. “Now I have a nice man. He is good to my children; no one can harm me. He will not marry me but I pray he ensures a respectable life for my brood.”

Pathani is Erum Bubbly’s relative — many years ago, Erum Bubbly shook Hyderabad when she took a bullet from her DSP boyfriend.

“She is a good woman who is happily married. Fairy tales happen,” Pathani smiles.

Bazaar-i-Husn bucks many trends. It is still a hub of syphilis as screening is rare, with negligible knowledge about precautions — despite the presence of a health NGO office nearby. “We know girls can’t be healthy after 13-hour workdays but if they are careful, business will dwindle,” Alia confesses.

Sadly, the area is a watermark of the time when it was washed with rosewater and sandalwood. Its women no longer stop to smell the roses.

Clip_4 (2)

These prostitute dens have alluring names — Shahi Mohalla, Bulbul-i-Hazaar Dastaan, and Hyderabad’s Bazaari Husn, formerly Sundarta Bazaar — old settlements where the business of flesh hangs on despite the ravages of circumstance.

Walking past the colonial quarters of Hirabad in Hyderabad, where intricate balconies and stone filigree jostle with modern-day eyesores, we arrive in a tangle of damp lanes.

Bazaari Husn is said to be some 250 years old with over 600 multi-storey brothels and a hierarchy: the affluent leave their doors ajar — gaudy rooms in pink or red with ornate women who perform in cities or in faraway lands; some leave for a respectable life as the night ages.

Encounters with dead ends, where no one saw the point in a conversation at prime time, threw up an amusing surprise.

By a corner of the ‘offices’, I met the man who has carried the taazia from here for decades. In a sharia-compliant pajama and a white beard, when questioned he went into contortions of denial: “I have nothing to do with this area. Talk to me about religion. I appear on TV for my expertise,” he roared.

But one could hardly slide away without catching his murmurs — “Firdaus hai aaj? Ya sab maiyyat mei gaee hain?” (Is Firdaus available today or is everyone at the funeral?)

Some two doors from this sanctimony is veteran stage artist and dancer Jamila, known as Apa Peeno. A friend of the erstwhile movie star and one of the bazaar’s bygone caches, Chakori, Peeno belongs to days when the alleys had splendour.

“We learnt from Maharaj Samrat, and danced in beautiful clothes, heavy anklets, in the company of the genteel. It’s filthy now so I don’t live here,” she says as she takes us for a walk. We stop at a square with a shiny alam, above it a girl combs her hair on a balcony, and strikes a pose to grab lucrative attention.

“This alam stands all year; we bring it down 10 days before Muharram to decorate it afresh,” Peeno says after a quick prayer beneath it. “Saturday is not a night for chatter,” she smirks and leaves with her son.

But for some, every night is a night of exorcism of inner demons. Alia, a retired madam, joins us. “The rich ones will shut their doors now. I can take you to poor homes but they do nights. The government has banned us without another option. So we compromise our health and security,” is a wise gem from her.

A long stroll leads to a squalid hovel jammed with people. An irritable, gnarled woman is perched on the ledge outside it — she has brought a fresh recruit from Punjab. “Go and talk but she doesn’t sell,” says Bhootni Buriya — an apt name.

Her pit of sad darkness has seen glory — exquisite colonial floor tiles, lattice-worked walls, high ceilings and, like a patio, the upper floor opens into it with a grille balcony. It reeks of weed and alcohol; some refuse to awaken even in the din; a zombie-like man stares and two girls sit near the door. It was once home to former film star Neeli; the man with the vacant look is her uncle. A photograph of the girl who disowned them, adorns a wall. “Neeli now lives in Qasimabad and comes for Muharram,” discloses Alia.

Just then a policeman arrives. They are discreetly forbidden to talk; a girl disappears upstairs. “They take bhatta from us with free service,” cribs the old woman.

For lower sex workers, the balance of power does not tip in their favour. However, Pathani, Alia and their ilk can call the shots. They were both abducted at 10 and 12 years of age. At a distance of a few yards from Neeli’s past is Pathani’s duplex where she rents a stark room. Still a beautiful woman, Pathani has spent 30 years in the trade.

At her place, the two embark on their tales of love and betrayal. “I have nine children. I was so happy when my ex-husband proposed. It was a way out. But he was another salesman like Alia’s; she stayed and I separated,” Pathani says with tears then cracks crass jokes about men.

“We do a lot of nasha. Where else will relief come from? Some men pay to talk for hours. Are doctors in short supply?” she laughs. Little does she realise that they are vessels of grime that send out cleansed souls.

These are also places where you least expect a wish list of love. “Now I have a nice man. He is good to my children; no one can harm me. He will not marry me but I pray he ensures a respectable life for my brood.”

Pathani is Erum Bubbly’s relative — many years ago, Erum Bubbly shook Hyderabad when she took a bullet from her DSP boyfriend.

“She is a good woman who is happily married. Fairy tales happen,” Pathani smiles.

Bazaari Husn bucks many trends. It is still a hub of syphilis as screening is rare, with negligible knowledge about precautions — despite the presence of a health NGO office nearby. “We know girls can’t be healthy after 13-hour workdays but if they are careful, business will dwindle,” Alia confesses.

Sadly, the area is a watermark of the time when it was washed with rosewater and sandalwood. Its women no longer stop to smell the roses.



Twitter: @Reema Abbasi


Central Asian Prostitutes in New Delhi

Clip_10 (2)Shakhnoza and Naaz were close friends and belly dancers from Uzbekistan. When their badly mutilated bodies were discovered in the capi­tal, investigators suspec­ted a money-related feud. Shakhno­za’s mother Shukurova and her two sisters, Zamika and Nadira, can’t bel­ieve she’s dead. They are camping in a tiny flat in Lajpat Nagar looking for justice and an answer to the many questions the murd­ers have raised—the trafficking mafia, prostitution, exp­loi­tation. “We’ll find the truth. We will help police solve the case,” says Nadira, who can converse in English.

Clip_4It’s not going to be easy. In many cities in India, the white flesh trade is now a lucrative business. And young girls from the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) dominate the domestic prostitution racket in the cities, as also the social landscape of the nouveau riche. They are paid fixtures at birthday parties, marriage receptions, commercial events, rave parties, even at private dinners at the ubiquitous farmhouses. It seems everyone has a story or two to tell about their ‘white woman’ enc­ounter, like the one that was dancing in a martini glass, or serving drinks in diaphanous tun­ics. They are clearly there to add the sex quotient, dancing, entertaining, even playing host. Now the line that divides these activities with prostitution is very thin. In some circles, they are even gaining respectability. For last year’s Navy Day celebrat­ions in Delhi, two Uzbek women per­f­or­med a belly dance for 20 minutes and charged Rs 4,00,000. A senior naval officer justified the expense saying: “There’s nothing bad about it. Belly dancing is an art form.”  They are also hired and supplied by India’s leading event management company Wizcraft. A senior executive, Michelle Rocha, respo­nded to anOutlook query by saying: “The girls are hired in Delhi.” Even the Uzbek embassy refused to comment.

While organisations like the Navy may be just navel-gazing, this fetish for the white skin has bred a multi-pronged racket. A white woman can charge many times more than a local girl and there’s a rate list for every demand, depending on the looks, age, needs of the client, venue, duration, number of people and nature of activity. There’s even a rate for selfies with a bikini-clad blo­nde: Rs 2,000. And there’s no dearth of supply to meet the demand. An IB official estimates that there are some 5,000 girls from CIS countries in India, almost all here on tourist or medical-related visas. They are clearly all not just belly dancing. And a lot of it happens with the authorities looking the other way. Former special commissioner, Delhi police, N. Dilip Kumar, is forthright, “Organised crime cannot sustain its­elf without the complicity of enforcement agencies. An upright officer is attacked within the system if he or she creates hurdles.”  The system facilitates organised crime and works at all levels, from arranging visas to protection rackets.

Each day, there are any number of classif­ied ads in the leading dailies offering ‘Rus­sian massage’. The asking rate here could be anything from Rs 15,000 per hour in the afternoon to Rs 1,00,000 for the whole night. ‘Russian’ refers to anyone from the CIS region. One of the capital’s leading pimps is ‘Choudhury’, and he operates in south Delhi. Officially, he’s an instructor in a posh gymnasium and dabb­les in modelling. His most trusted ‘Russian’ is Diana, an Uzbek from Tashkent. She has many names, and lived in Delhi and Mumbai for three years before she left for Tashkent some time ago.  She’ll be back again soon.

Diana is in her early 30s and is typical of the kind of women who have taken over the flesh trade in the more affluent sections of Indian male society. She first arrived in Delhi with two cousins and a friend on tourist visas. They were part of a group of a dozen girls her age. They stayed in crowded Karol Bagh with a middle-aged woman from Tashkent who had Indian citizenship and was called Auntie. There are some 50 “aunties” in the capital today. They play friend and guide to these girls, luring them into prostitution. Many of these girls are here to earn money to pay off debts back home. Once they arrive, they hand over their passports to the auntie for ‘safe custody’ and she organises assignments. Like Diana, they go through a two-day orientation programme where they are told how to deal with Indian men. They are advised to say no to coercion or roughness. Even personal hygiene can be a strong enough consideration to refuse contact. They are given a safety kit, they carry pepper spray, premium condoms, and some carry a small knife as well. They move around the city in yellow-black cabs. The driver is a confida­nte, and they are usually accompanied by another man who waits in the car, in case of trouble. Their earnings are repatriated dir­ectly to their families back home. All their local needs are met by the auntie.

Diana realised the money paid to her family was a minuscule part of what she earns. So when she met Choudhury, she branched out. On her second visit, he helped her rent a house. Getting out of the organised cartel and dealing with an Indian pimp directly is lucrative, but it lacks security—Shakhnoza and Naaz paid with their lives. A large share of the earnings (60 per cent) now came to Diana, in addition to a monthly salary (Rs 15,000) and free digs. She made big money and was motivated to come back again and again. Tashkent now was just an annual sabbatical.

Clip_6Nowadays, Diana visits India with her boyfriend, Roger—a college dropout from Tashkent. They stay in an urban village in south Delhi in a small apartment. They want to secure their future by making some quick money; buy a house in Tashkent in the next two years. Roger, a lanky, bespectacled man with shoulder-length hair, and Diana make a great couple. Just that one is in the flesh trade, the other in the leather trade. On an average, she would meet two clients a day. On weekends, it’s as many as six meetings. She says she has so far ‘interacted’ with over 200 men here, intimately. A dozen are regular clients. One of them, a 37-year-old bachelor, is emotionally attached to her, has even offered to marry her. She told him about Roger. He was perple­xed, a prostitute in a relationship? “It’s impossible,” he told her. Roger never calls her when she’s at work. He considers her liaisons with other men a professional requirement. Diana put me in touch with two other girls, Svetlana, 24 and Ruby, 33. Dressed in tight black trousers, Svetlana first came to Delhi two years ago with her father; now Diana is her local family. Ruby lost her virginity at the age of 17 to a distant cousin. This went on for two years before they were caught in the act one night; she was banished to India.

The girls have a fair idea what to expect from men just by looking at them. While Svetlana finds it diffic­ult to converse in English, Ruby is reasonably fluent. Their Hindi is quite bad, mostly restricted to curse words. Their regulars are mostly rich college brats. The white girls are a nice diversion for them. Svetlana lived for six months in Lajpat Nagar during her first stay in ’13. She would spend the aft­ernoons in a flat in Kalkaji where men would arrive after work to relax in the company of a white woman. Ruby would often join Svetlana. One of the houses is actually run by a Punjabi couple with two teenaged children. There are four rooms in the house, three bedrooms with attached showers. “The wife would do the collection, charges are Rs 1,500 per hour,” informs Choudhury. She’s a mercenary in a sense, he says, forcing the guests out by 3 pm, before her children got back from sch­ool. Swetlana says it’s a watch-the-clock activity there, the men are always stressed, distracted by their phones. She particularly remembers a tall, fair man with a pot belly; he would visit during extended lunch bre­aks every other week. “I would sit by his side while he loosened my dress. He would tap my breasts like dialling a number on a smartphone,” she remembers fondly. Most times he only wanted to talk about his problems, his separated wife, his only daughter—a budding writer who’s pursuing a degree in an Ivy League college in the US.

For women like Svetlana, the work is the same, only the location and country have changed. They originally operated in Dubai and moved to India when the UAE started to crack down on such activity. The murder of  Shakhnoza and Naaz has now added an unwanted dimension to this cosy underground club that has become an integral part of the Indian urban landscape.

The general type they meet are pleasant, not very demanding, always grateful. Their sexual passion is like a plateau, doesn’t soar to any heights, but lasts longer. As usual, they want the best value for money. They aren’t interested in building personal rapports. They’re punctual, stick to the time allotted, payment is prompt, tip well, take extra care, arrange for transportation, usually prefer a five-star hotel.

Punjabis are the worst. They are so happy to be in the company of a blo­nde that they’ll want all their friends to know about it. They are hairy, and very demanding; brash in bed, rash in dispensation. “Do something nice, something new,” they would instruct sitting on a couch sipping rum. A Sikh trader who lives in the capital’s posh Defence colony, called a friend to brag, “Guess who I am with?” He promised that the next time “the two brothers will do it together”. He even made Diana chat with his friend, prompting her to tell him, “I’m having the best time of my life.”

In general, Indian men are either emotio­nal fools or misogynists. The former are keen to talk about themselves, their life-his­tory, struggles and quests. Like sleeping with the white girl was like a dream come true, a reward for all the struggles in their lives. They are also inquisitive about Uzbek girls—asking them about their parents, sib­lings, family, lovers, religion etc. The latter don’t talk much. They order the girls around, do this or that, as if they own them. Usually passive, they want the women to do all the work. They treat them with disdain but love clicking selfies. Skin colour is an obsess­ion. A local businessman app­a­rently told Ruby, “I have enough money to hire you for the rest of your life. But you Russians are like  candy—too sweet—can’t have you everyday.”

Helping Prostitutes in Murshidabad in West Bengal

On some nights, you may glimpse a slender 61-year-old woman, clad in a plain cotton sari, her hair tied back in a tight bun, quietly reassuring women in the red light areas of Murshidabad district in West Bengal that all will be well. “You don’t have to do this,” she tells them. “I will help you get out of it—if that’s what you want.”

Clip_10 (2)Meet Khadija Banu, who has been fighting for the rights of poor divorcees­ from Muslim families whose husbands have abandoned them, pronouncing ‘talaq’ thrice.  It all started in 2008. “I was attending a women’s conference in the locality,” Khadija Banu recalls. “The women were speaking about their many problems. One woman, who had just been thrown out of her in-laws’ house with her baby girl, was sobbing inconsolably. She was really disoriented, confused and traumatised.” A few months later, Khadija Banu attended ano­ther conference in Pune and witnessed similar scenes there. She decided then that enough was enough, and started the Rokeya Nari Unnayan Samiti (RNUS).

At first she operated from her own house. “Most of these women are from poor families. As far as their families are concerned—especially their fathers and brothers—after they are married off, they no longer have any rights in the parental home. So they live on without dignity or respect,” she says. “Abused and beaten at their husband’s house, they rece­ive the same treatment when they seek refuge at their own houses. Being uned­ucated, they are unable to earn a living. Their plight is heartbreaking.”

Khadija Banu’s focus has been on teaching them skills that will bring them economic self-sufficiency. “Stitching, embroidery or knitting, which do not req­uire literacy and do not involve much investment, are the most effective ways of making them capable of earning,” she says.

Her organisation has also made representations to the central government that personal laws that allow a Muslim man to have more than one wife should be changed. It has also demanded that laws recognising divorce through triple pronouncement of ‘talaq’ must go. “We want these laws scrapped,” Khadija Banu tells Outlook.

She says she is driven by two things. “I have an ideol­ogy,” she says. (She is a committed leftist and was actively involved in student politics.) “And I cannot live for myself alone.” Her work, she says, has the full backing of her husband Swapan Ghoshal, whom she fell in love with while they were both students.

According to Khadija Banu, trafficking of women and children is rampant in Murshidabad district. “They end up in the hands of traffickers and are forced into prostitution. My aim is to prevent this,” she says. “But with the survivors, it’s complicated, for they are doubly rejected by soci­ety. That’s why I go to the red light districts and try to talk to those have been trapped in prostitution and encourage them to return to mainstream life.”

It’s a very difficult transformation to make, but there are some who have been successful. A few are even willing to speak on record. Jyotsna Khatoon says she was married off at 13 and her husband sent her back home with a triple talaq. A second husband threw her out similarly. She now lives with Khadija Banu. Then there is Bilkish Khatoon. “She is educated,” says her mentor. “But she was beaten at her husband’s house and thrown out with her child. She was suicidal. I sent her to work with an NGO. Now she lives with dignity.”

From small beginnings, RNUS has managed to acquire a one-storey building. It serves both as a shelter for destitute women and their children and as a training centre to make them self-sufficient.

Governments Should Not Criminalize Sex Workers

1Amnesty International in its general meeting held on August 11, 2015 passed a resolution concerning “sex workers” which has led to immense controversy. The critics are urging Amnesty International to suspend the resolution and instead adopt the “Nordic model”, which punishes the client but not the sex worker, to properly defend the human rights of vulnerable women.

The critics say that commercial sex is not a career choice because of its exploited nature. Prostitution robs women of their sexual and economic rights and takes away their dignity. Associated issues of drugs, cigarettes, alcohol, and sexually transmitted disease pay a heavy price on women’s health, often force them to sink into debt, and make them more vulnerable and at risk.

Sex work involves many complex and interlocking issues behind the sex trade and the industry. All need to look beyond workers’ rights and examine the inherent exploitation and oppression of sex work. Looking at supply and demand for sex in countries around the world, most providers are women and most customers are men. Since most women are selling and most men are buying, this is a form of exploitation of women.

Most women go into prostitution because they are vulnerable or sometimes they sell their bodies simply to survive. Governments should not criminalize sex workers but help them escape their poor living conditions. Sex workers should be decriminalized, but clients and brothel owners should be punished by the law (as in the Swedish or Nordic model). But Amnesty International supports “total decriminalization”, which means customers, pimps and brothel owners will all be decriminalized. Amnesty International even says it is “not opposed to legalization”. This is unacceptable.

The experiences of the Netherlands and Germany demonstrate that legalizing sex work increases human trafficking and does not give female sex workers reasonable working conditions or guarantees. Furthermore, human trafficking crimes are more acute in undemocratic, corrupt and economically disadvantaged countries. Amnesty International has long advocated for human rights, and fully understands how states violate human rights in the name of enforcing the law, but when it comes to legalizing the sex industry, Amnesty International has full confidence in the ability of states to enforce the law. We find this unbelievable.

The Nordic model should be supported which makes it “illegal to buy sex services but not to sell them”, strictly punishes third party profit-making activities, and promotes women-friendly welfare and employment policies. Sex workers should be offered a variety of alternatives to prostitution which violates women’s rights. This model has not only been applied in Nordic countries but also in Northern Ireland and Canada.

Buying Sex Should Not Be Legal

by Rachel Moran

302561_281516648527296_253132828032345_1214669_198904711_nIn Dublin, in August 2015, Amnesty International’s international council endorsed a new policy calling for the decriminalization of the global sex trade. Its proponents argue that decriminalizing prostitution is the best way of protecting “the human rights of sex workers,” though the policy would apply equally to pimps, brothel-keepers and johns.

Amnesty’s stated aim is to remove the stigma from prostituted women, so that they will be less vulnerable to abuse by criminals operating in the shadows. The group is also calling on governments “to ensure that sex workers enjoy full and equal legal protection from exploitation, trafficking and violence.”

The Amnesty vote comes in the context of a prolonged international debate about how to deal with prostitution and protect the interests of so-called sex workers. It is a debate in which I have a personal stake — and I believe Amnesty is making a historic mistake.

I entered the sex trade — as most do — before I was even a woman. At age 14, I was placed in the care of the state after my father committed suicide and because my mother suffered from mental illness.

Within a year, I was on the streets with no home, education or job skills. All I had was my body. At 15, I met a young man who thought it would be a good idea for me to prostitute myself. As “fresh meat,” I was a commodity in high demand.

For seven years, I was bought and sold. On the streets, that could be 10 times in a night. It’s hard to describe the full effect of the psychological coercion, and how deeply it eroded my confidence. By my late teens, I was using cocaine to dull the pain.

I cringe when I hear the words “sex work.” Selling my body wasn’t a livelihood. There was no resemblance to ordinary employment in the ritual degradation of strangers’ using my body to satiate their urges. I was doubly exploited — by those who pimped me and those who bought me.

I know there are some advocates who argue that women in prostitution sell sex as consenting adults. But those who do are a relatively privileged minority — primarily white, middle-class, Western women in escort agencies — not remotely representative of the global majority. Their right to sell doesn’t trump my right and others’ not to be sold in a trade that preys on women already marginalized by class and race.

The effort to decriminalize the sex trade worldwide is not a progressive movement. Implementing this policy will simply calcify into law men’s entitlement to buy sex, while decriminalizing pimping will protect no one but the pimps.

In the United States, prostitution is thought to be worth at least $14 billion a year. Most of that money doesn’t go to girls like my teenage self. Worldwide, human trafficking is the second largest enterprise of organized crime, behind drug cartels but on a par with gunrunning.

In countries that have decriminalized the sex trade, legal has attracted illegal. With popular support, the authorities in Amsterdam have closed down much of the city’s famous red light district — because it had become a magnet for criminal activity.

In Germany, where prostitution was legalized in 2002, the industry has exploded. It is estimated that one million men pay to use 450,000 girls and women every day. Sex tourists are pouring in, supporting “mega-brothels” up to 12 stories high.

In New Zealand, where prostitution was decriminalized in 2003, young women in brothels have told me that men now demand more than ever for less than ever. And because the trade is socially sanctioned, there is no incentive for the government to provide exit strategies for those who want to get out of it. These women are trapped.

There is an alternative: an approach, which originated in Sweden, that has now been adopted by other countries such as Norway, Iceland and Canada and is sometimes called the “Nordic model.”

The concept is simple: Make selling sex legal but buying it illegal — so that women can get help without being arrested, harassed or worse, and the criminal law is used to deter the buyers, because they fuel the market. There are numerous techniques, including hotel sting operations, placing fake ads to inhibit johns, and mailing court summonses to home addresses, where accused men’s spouses can see them.

Since Sweden passed its law, the number of men who say they have bought sex has plummeted. (At 7.5 percent, it’s roughly half the rate reported by American men.) In contrast, after neighboring Denmark decriminalized prostitution outright, the trade increased by 40 percent within a seven-year period.

Contrary to stereotype, the average john is not a loner or a loser. In America, a significant proportion of buyers who purchase sex frequentlyhave an annual income above $120,000 and are married. Most have college degrees, and many have children. Why not let fines from these privileged men pay for young women’s counseling, education and housing? It is they who have credit cards and choices, not the prostituted women and girls.

Amnesty International proposes a sex trade free from “force, fraud or coercion,” but I know from what I’ve lived and witnessed that prostitution cannot be disentangled from coercion. I believe the majority of Amnesty delegates who voted in Dublin wished to help women and girls in prostitution and mistakenly allowed themselves to be sold the notion that decriminalizing pimps and johns would somehow achieve that aim. But in the name of human rights, what they voted for was to decriminalizeviolations of those rights, on a global scale.

The recommendation goes before the board for a final decision this autumn. Many of Amnesty’s leaders and members realize that their organization’s credibility and integrity are on the line. It’s not too late to stop this disastrous policy before it harms women and children worldwide.

Rachel Mora­n is the founder of Space International, which advocates the abolition of the sex trade, and the author of the memoir “Paid For: My Journey Through Prostitution.”

Clip_7In August 2015, at a meeting attended by about 500 delegates from 80 countries, Amnesty voted to adopt a proposal in favor of the “full decriminalization of consensual sex work,” sparking a storm of controversy. Members of the human rights group in Norway and Sweden resigned en masse, saying the organization’s goal should be to end demand for prostitution, not condone it. Around the world, on social media and in the press, opponents blasted Amnesty. In Los Angeles, protesters ringed the lobby of the Sheraton where the conference was being held, and as Muñoz tried to enter, a woman confronted her and became upset as Muñoz explained that, as a former sex worker, she supported Amnesty’s position. “She agreed to respect my time at the microphone,” Muñoz told me. “That didn’t exactly happen” — the woman and other critics yelled out during her panel — “but I understand why it was so hard for her.”

Muñoz was in the middle of a pitched battle over the terms, and even the meaning, of sex work. In the United States and around the globe, many sex workers (the term activists prefer to “prostitute”) are trying to change how they are perceived and policed. They are fighting the legal status quo, social mores and also mainstream feminism, which has typically focused on saving women from the sex trade rather than supporting sex workers who demand greater rights. But in the last decade, sex-worker activists have gained new allies. If Amnesty’s international board approves a final policy in favor of decriminalization in June 2016, it will join forces with public-health organizations that have successfully worked for years with groups of sex workers to halt the spread of H.I.V. and AIDS, especially in developing countries. “The urgency of the H.I.V. epidemic really exploded a lot of taboos,” says an Amnesty policy adviser.

Onstage, wearing a white blouse with lace, her face framed by glasses and straight brown hair, Muñoz, who is 43, looked calm and determined as she leaned into the microphone to tell her story. She started escorting at 18, after she graduated from high school in Los Angeles County, picking up men at a dance club a couple of times a week and striking deals to have sex for $100 or so, at a hotel or their apartments. She had a part-time job as a restaurant hostess, but she liked feeling desired and making money on the side to spend on clothes and entertainment. “I really, really did love the work,” she told her Amnesty audience of more than 100. “I was a little reckless.” The same recklessness led her to methamphetamine. When her parents found out she was using, they sent her to rehab. She stopped escorting and using drugs and found a serious boyfriend. When she was 24, the relationship ended, and around that time her parents sold their house. Muñoz started living on her own for the first time. With rent and car insurance to pay, and a plan to save for college, escorting became her livelihood. “I was moving toward a goal, and sex work helped me do that,” Muñoz told the crowd.

A few years later, however, another ex-boyfriend, with whom she was still close, started to take advantage of the underground nature of Muñoz’s work. At first, she told me, he asked her to pay to get his car back after it was towed. Then he started demanding more money and dictating when she worked and which clients she saw. Muñoz didn’t exactly seem like a trafficking victim; she was driving her own car, going to school and paying her expenses. But looking back, she says that’s the way she sees herself. “Because the work I was doing was illegal, he started to hold it over my head. He blackmailed me by threatening to tell everyone, including my family.”

The man was violent, and Muñoz extricated herself with the help of a friend, whom she later married. Haunted by the control her ex-boyfriend had exerted over her, she founded in 2009 a small faith-based group called Abeni near her home in Orange County, to help other women escape from prostitution, as she had. A couple of years later, Muñoz, who now has four children, started letting herself remember the period earlier in her life when escorting served her well, as a source of income and even stability. Struggling internally, she had a “crisis of conscience,” she says, and came to regret her assumptions about what was necessarily best for Abeni’s clients. She stopped taking on new ones, and then turned Abeni into one of the few groups in the country that helps people either leave sex work or continue doing it safely.

At the Amnesty conference, Muñoz told the crowd that she thinks decriminalization would have benefits for many people by bringing the sex trade out from underground. “I believe in the empowered sex worker,” she said. “I was one. But the empowered sex worker isn’t representative of the majority of sex workers. It’s O.K. for us to be honest about this.” She was referring to the social and economic divide in the profession. Activists in the sex-workers’ movement tend to be educated and make hundreds of dollars an hour. The words they often use to describe themselves — dominatrix, fetishist, sensual masseuse, courtesan, sugar baby, whore, witch, pervert — can be self-consciously half-wicked.


Some of their concerns can seem far removed from those of women who feel they must sell sex to survive — a mother trying to scrape together the rent, say, or a runaway teenager. People in those situations generally don’t call themselves “sex workers” or see themselves as part of a movement. “It’s not something people we work with would ever talk about,” says Deon Haywood, the director of Women With a Vision in New Orleans, an African-American health collective that works with low-income women and trans clients. Some of them sell sex, Haywood says, because it’s more flexible and pays better than low-wage work at businesses like McDonald’s.

Human rights advocates tend to focus on people in grim circumstances. “Like many feminists, I’m conflicted about sex work,” says Liesl Gerntholtz, executive director of the women’s rights division at Human Rights Watch, which took a stand in favor of decriminalization four years ago. “You’re often talking about women who have extremely limited choices. Would I like to live in a world where no one has to do sex work? Absolutely. But that’s not the case. So I want to live in a world where women do it largely voluntarily, in a way that is safe. If they’re raped by a police officer or a client, they can lay a charge and know it will be investigated. Their kid won’t be expelled from school, and their landlord won’t kick them out.”

Amnesty and Human Rights Watch, along with other groups that support decriminalization — U.N.AIDS, the World Health Organization, the Global Commission on H.I.V. and the Law and the Open Society Foundations — acknowledge that there can be grave harms associated with the sex industry, but say that they see changes in the law as a precondition to reducing them. Last year, an analysis in The Lancet predicted that “decriminalization of sex work could have the largest effect on the course of the H.I.V. epidemic,” by increasing access to condoms and medical treatment. Governments can free themselves to crack down on trafficking and under-age prostitution, human rights advocates argue, if they stop arresting consenting adults.

It’s a pragmatic argument. But the sex-workers’ movement also hinges on an ideological conviction — the belief that the criminal law should not be used here as an instrument of punishment or shame, because sex work isn’t inherently immoral or demeaning. It can even be authentically feminist. “Once you’ve done it, you always know: When it comes down to it, I have everything I need to survive,” says Anna Saini, a former escort who is now a sex-worker activist and law student living in Brooklyn. “That’s powerful.” This view poses a deep challenge to traditional Western feminism, which treats the commercial sex industry as an ugly source of sexual inequality.

The activists themselves are a fractious bunch. They belong to a variety ofsmall and sometimes competing groups and question one another’s bona fides on social media and a blog called Tits and Sass. Women who publicly argue the case for decriminalization tend to be white. Women of color say that it’s harder for them to get an audience; they also don’t want white women to speak for them. Trans women raise similar objections. “Don’t tell my story in support of a cis woman’s story,” Monica Jones, who is black and transgender, cautioned me. She did sex work without qualms to help pay the tuition for her social-work degree at Arizona State University. “If you want to be with me, you’re going to pay me or buy me a ring,” she says frankly of her partners. Two years ago, she accepted a ride to a bar with a man and was found guilty of prostitution; her case became a cause célèbre when she challenged her conviction, saying she was just going out for a beer that night, and won her appeal.

Some opponents of decriminalization call themselves abolitionists, consciously invoking the battle to end slavery as well as the one for equality. “If prostitution is legal, and men can buy women’s bodies with impunity, it’s the extreme sexualization of women,” says Yasmeen Hassan, the global executive director of Equality Now, a women’s rights group that campaigns against trafficking. “They’re sexual objects. What does that mean for how professional women are seen? And if women are sex toys you can buy, think about the impact on relationships between men and women, in marriage or otherwise.”

The United States has some of the world’s most sweeping laws against prostitution, with more than 55,000 arrests annually, more than two-thirds of which involve women. Women of color are at higher risk of arrest. (In New York City, they make up 85 percent of people who are arrested.) So are trans women, who are more likely to do sex work because of employment discrimination. The mark left by a criminal record can make it even harder to find other employment. In Louisiana five years ago, 700 people, many of them women of color and trans women, were listed on the sex-offender registry for the equivalent of a prostitution misdemeanor. Women With a Vision, Deon Haywood’s group, won a lawsuit to remove them in 2013.

Because abolitionists see these women as victims, they generally oppose arresting them. But they want to continue using the criminal law as a weapon of moral disapproval by prosecuting male customers, alongside pimps and traffickers — though this approach still tends to entangle sex workers in a legal net.

Last July, the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, an abolitionist group, accused Amnesty of supporting “a system of gender apartheid,” in which some women are “set apart for consumption by men,” in a letter with 400 signatories, including Gloria Steinem, Lena Dunham, Kate Winslet and Meryl Streep. Anna Saini, the Brooklyn sex-worker activist, went from feeling betrayed by the celebrities to feeling victorious. “They threw all this fame and name recognition at us, and Amnesty is still doing what’s right,” she said. “That was super exciting.” The fight has become, Liesl Gerntholtz of Human Rights Watch says, “the most contentious and divisive issue in today’s women’s movement.”

The battle lines among American feminists over selling sex were drawn in the 1970s. On one side were radical feminists like the writer Andrea Dworkin and the lawyer and legal scholar Catherine MacKinnon. They were the early abolitionists, condemning prostitution, along with pornography and sexual violence, as the most virulent and powerful sources of women’s oppression. “I’ve tried to voice the protest against a power that is dead weight on you, fist and penis organized to keep you quiet,” wrote Dworkin, who sold sex briefly around the age of 19, when she ran out of money on a visit to Europe.

Other feminists, who called themselves “sex positive,” saw sex workers as subverters of patriarchy, not as victims. On Mother’s Day 1973, a 35-year-old former call girl named Margo St. James founded a group in San Francisco called Coyote, for “Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics.” Its goal was to decriminalize prostitution, as a feminist act. In its heyday, Coyote threw annual Hooker’s Balls, where drag queens and celebrities mixed with politicians and police. It was a party: In 1978, a crowd of 20,000 filled the city’s Cow Palace, and St. James entered riding an elephant.

By the 1980s, Dworkin’s argument condemning prostitution moved into the feminist mainstream, with the support of Gloria Steinem, who began rejecting the term “sex work.” St. James and the sex-positivists were relegated to the fringes.

The abolitionists moved into the fight against global labor trafficking in the 1990s, focusing on sex trafficking, though most estimates suggest that the majority of trafficking victims are forced into domestic, agricultural or construction work. The abolitionists wanted to erase the traditional legal distinction between forced and consensual prostitution by cracking down on all of it as trafficking. In 1998, they tried to persuade President Bill Clinton — and Hillary Clinton, who was the honorary chairwoman of the Clinton administration’s council on women — to adopt their broad definition in an international crime treaty and a federal trafficking bill. It was a striking effort to expand and stiffen criminal punishment, a strategy Elizabeth Bernstein, a Barnard anthropologist who studies sex work and trafficking, termed “carceral feminism.” Abolitionists “have relied upon strategies of incarceration as their chief tool of ‘justice,’ ” she wrote in 2007. They lost the fight to define all prostitution as trafficking during the Clinton administration. “Those were depressing years,” Donna Hughes, an abolitionist researcher and women’s studies professor at the University of Rhode Island, said in an interview in National Review in 2006.

When George W. Bush was elected in 2000, Hughes and other abolitionists formed a coalition with faith-based groups, including evangelical Republicans, to lobby the new president. The Bush administration funded Christian groups, like the International Justice Mission, to rescue girls and women abroad. I.J.M. helped to raid brothels in Cambodia, Thailand and India, working with local police officers who broke down doors while American TV cameras rolled. Donations poured in to I.J.M. from the United States.

But local human rights and women’s groups complained about the tactic. After some raids by police forces in India and Indonesia, girls and women were deported, detained in abusive institutions and coerced into sex with the police, according to a 2005 bulletin by the World Health Organization and the Global Coalition on Women and AIDS. Two years earlier, when I.J.M. reported that there were minors in a brothel in Thailand, the police raided it and locked the women who were working there in an orphanage. The women strung together bedsheets to escape from a second-story window.

Françoise Girard was director of the public-health program at the Open Society Foundations when she met with Gary Haugen, the leader of I.J.M., and Holly Burkhalter, a senior adviser, in 2007. “I.J.M. said, ‘If we can save one girl, it’s worth it,’ ” says Girard, who is now president of the International Women’s Health Coalition. “I said, ‘What happens to the girls?’ And they couldn’t answer.” Burkhalter says she doesn’t remember Girard’s question, but the police did not permit I.J.M. to go on the raid in Thailand. “If we had, it would have gone much better,” she says, adding that now, when I.J.M. helps with raids, “each victim has a case worker.”

The Bush administration also funded abolitionist research on the harmful effects of prostitution, prominently featuring references to that work on the State Department’s website. Hughes, the abolitionist women’s-studies professor, denounced strip clubs and lap-dancing in a 2005 report on trafficking that was funded with more than $100,000 from the State Department. Melissa Farley, a psychologist who received Bush funds, wrotein 2000 in the journal Women and Criminal Justice that any woman who claimed to have chosen prostitution was acting pathologically — “enjoyment of domination and rape are in her nature.” Non-abolitionist researcherscriticized her for presenting the brutal harm of some experiences of prostitution as the near-universal reality without solid evidence.

In part as a response to lobbying by feminist abolitionists and evangelicals, in 2003 Congress barred groups that aided trafficking victims from receiving federal funds if they supported the “legalization or practice of prostitution.” The same year, President Bush committed $15 billion to the international fight against AIDS, but required all recipients of the funding to sign an anti-prostitution pledge. The result was a head-on collision between AIDS prevention and abolitionist ideas. Brazil turned down $40 million in American funds. Sangram, a public-health and human rights organization that was distributing condoms in Sangli, a red-light district in rural southern India, refused to sign the pledge and returned American funds in 2005, at a time when U.N.AIDS cited it as a trusted source on H.I.V. and human rights. “We were distributing 350,000 condoms a month,” says Meena Seshu, the director of Sangram, who has a master’s degree in social work and has published in The Lancet and won an award from Human Rights Watch. “Do you actually work with people, or do you give them morals? That was the choice.”

The Obama administration continues to fund organizations involved in rescue missions. In 2013, the Supreme Court struck down the anti-prostitution pledge for groups in the United States, ruling that it violated their free-speech rights. But the decision didn’t apply to foreign groups, which still cannot receive federal funding to fight AIDS if they support the sex-workers’ rights movement.


Patronizing a Prostitute

The figures above don’t reflect the population of men who hire prostitutes in New York, sex workers and defense lawyers told me. “That’s not our client base — it’s who police target,” says Anna Saini, a former escort who is now a sex-worker activist and law student living in Brooklyn. Mogulescu agrees: “There’s a real reluctance to disturb areas where power operates,” she says. “If you target lower-income men of color, their entry into the criminal justice system won’t make waves.”

*Engaging in prostitution and loitering for the purpose of prostitution. Sources: Arrest data is from New York State Division of Criminal Justice Services; City Population data is from the U.S. Census Bureau.

The current debate over sex work in the United States is often framed as a choice between international legal systems. Abolitionists embrace what they call the Swedish (or Nordic) model. In 1999, at the urging of feminists, Sweden’s Parliament passed the Sex Purchase Act, making it a crime to buy sex. Prostitution itself had not been a crime, but the new law deemed it “a serious harm both to individuals and to society,” giving the legislation a moral underpinning and aiming to “flush the johns out of the Baltic,” as a media campaign declared. A decade later, Sweden announced a reduction in street prostitution by as much as 50 percent and proclaimed the law a success. Though no one had recorded data on street prostitution before the law passed, the claimed drop became the chief selling point for a system that punished men. Yet online advertising for sex increased in Sweden, leading researchers to conclude that the small market was shifting indoors. Norway and Iceland adopted the Swedish model in 2009, and in the last two years, Canada and Northern Ireland enacted modified versions.

Sex-worker activists reject this model. “People think the Swedish state criminalized clients, and not us, because they cared about us, but that was not the case,” says Pye Jakobsson, a Swedish sex worker who is the president of the Global Network of Sex Work Projects. “The law is about protecting society, and we’re seen as a threat.” Some sex workers say that criminalizing male behavior pushes them to take greater risks. “Women who worked on the street used to have safe spots where they would tell the client to drive,” Jakobsson explains. “Now clients say no, because of the police. They want to go someplace else remote. How can the woman be safe there?” In December, a Bulgarian sex worker was found brutally murderedin a deserted parking lot at the harbor in Oslo. Her friends — also migrants from the Baltic States, like many women selling sex in Sweden and Norway — looked for her when she went missing. But they did not go to the police until they found her body.

When the police investigate whether a man has bought sex, “they use it as a reason to check women’s documents,” says May-Len Skilbrei, a criminology and sociology professor at the University of Oslo. She says that these inspections can lead to deportations. Sex workers also face the possibility of losing custody of their children and being evicted. “If the police tell the landlord they think you’re escorting out of your apartment, he has to evict you, or he could be prosecuted,“ Skilbrei says. The Norwegian police calleda long-running Oslo crackdown on prostitution Operation Homeless.

The Swedish government has been clear that it considers the problems the law causes for sex workers an acceptable form of deterrence, reporting in 2010 that the negative effects “must be viewed as positive from the perspective that the purpose of the law is indeed to combat prostitution.” When France adopted the Swedish model in April, the bill’s sponsor in Parliament said one goal was to “change mentalities.” On social media, American sex workers poured out their sympathy for their French sisters, who were marching in protest.

Sweden may not be a relevant model for the United States, where the kind of hardship that often pushes people into street-level sex work is more widespread and the safety net much weaker. The difference is relevant, says Rachel Lloyd, the founder and C.E.O. of Girls Educational and Mentoring Services (GEMS), based in Central Harlem, which helps about 400 girls and young women in New York annually who have been involved in prostitution. She opposes legalization, because she thinks it will increase trafficking. She visited Stockholm two years ago and found it significant that there are so many family services, that few teenagers are in foster care and that most have access to state-funded universities. “I came away thinking: In the U.S., we’re not there,” she says about adopting the Swedish model. “We don’t have the social services.” Lloyd says that not enough of the tens of millions of dollars in government funds and donations in the United States that go to fight trafficking are used for services, like housing for teenagers leaving foster care; 70 percent of GEMS members have been in that system. “When you’re trying to move forward, you need an apartment,” Lloyd says. “You need to go to school.” (In Sweden, she was also surprised to learn that men who are caught buying sex are fined rather than arrested, paying an amount that depends on their income and generally ranges from $300 to $4500, according to a news report.)


Advocates for decriminalizing sex work emphasize that low-income women, women of color and trans people are most likely to be arrested. Lawyers who handle prostitution cases are also concerned about what they see as the targeting of homeless women. “Economic vulnerability makes people much more likely to agree to accept money for sex if they are approached,” says Kate Mogulescu, supervising attorney of the Exploitation Intervention Project at Legal Aid in New York. ‎

Over a two-month period this year, at least 19 women have been arrested for prostitution within five blocks of the HELP Women’s Shelter in East New York, Brooklyn, court records show. The annual number of arrests there has climbed as high as 87, in 2013. Even a verbal exchange can have fateful consequences: “I was walking back from the subway, after a job interview in Manhattan, at 6 p.m.,” says one 35-year-old woman, who has no previous arrest record for prostitution. “A car pulls up. The guy offers me a ride. I get in and he offers me $20 to have sex with him.” She said yes, she told me, because she needed to buy shampoo, deodorant and underwear, which the shelter doesn’t supply. “Then we go around the corner, and there are lights flashing in my face, and they’re putting handcuffs on me.”

Although Mogulescu disputes the assertions, the New York Police Department says the blocks around the shelter are “a known prostitution area” and that undercover police officers do not solicit women. “A woman accepted an offer of $20 to have sex, and you find it odd that we’re looking at that area?” a detective in the public information office asked. “Would you have sex for $20?”

Australia has adopted a very different legal model from Sweden’s. In 1999, the Australian state of New South Wales repealed its criminal laws against prostitution, freeing consenting adults to buy and sell sex and allowing brothels to operate much like other businesses. (Other Australian states have a variety of laws.) Four years later, New Zealand implemented full decriminalization. Abolitionists predicted explosive growth of prostitution. But the number of sex workers stayed flat, at about 6,000 in New Zealand and somewhat more in New South Wales. Condom use among sex workers rose above 99 percent, according to government surveys. Sex workers in brothels in New South Walesreport the same level of depression and stress as women in the general population; rates are far higher for women who work on the street, who are also often intravenous drug users. While the New Zealand government has found no evidence that sex workers are being trafficked across the country’s border, last November, the Parliament of New South Wales gave the police more power to monitor brothels, after reports that some were linked to organized crime and prosecutions for “sexual servitude” and exploitation. One involved a Thai woman who was recruited in Bangkok and told she would learn to be a hairdresser.


A couple of years ago, a Seattle dominatrix and outspoken activist who goes by the name Mistress Matisse flew to Australia for three weeks and spent a week working. “I just had to see what it was like,” she says. At home, she writes for The Stranger, Seattle’s alternative weekly, and frequently tweets about the practice and politics of sex work to her 27,000 Twitter followers.

In Australia, Matisse worked at a small brothel called the Golden Apple (small bar, six bedrooms) in Sydney, which is in New South Wales, and a larger one called Gotham City. “I thought: I won’t be Mistress Matisse. I’ll just be a girl doing full service” — intercourse — “which I hadn’t done for years,” she says. She saw three or four clients a night and then went to the beach.

Matisse contrasted working in Australia with working in a brothel in Nevada several years ago. She much preferred Australia. Nevada limits legal prostitution to a small number of brothels in rural areas, and they are subject to strict licensing requirements. “In Australia, you go home every night, and you can have a cigarette, go on a date, stay in a normal head space,” Matisse said. “In Nevada, you had to be in the brothel 24/7. It was like a cross between summer camp and a women’s prison.” Most prostitution in the state takes place illegally outside the brothels, in Las Vegas and Reno, with more freedom but also more risk.

Germany has a similar two-tiered market. The country became a growing destination for sex tourism after introducing in 2002 new regulations for the legal sex trade, with an estimated 400,000 sex workers. Migrant women working underground, some of whom are lured into crossing the border, face the same threat of deportation as in Sweden. Meanwhile, licensing requirements raised the cost of setting up brothels, favoring chains and big businesses, including a 12-story, neon-lit brothel in Cologne. “What’s strange is how industrial the brothels are,” says Skilbrei, the professor at the University of Oslo. “They control the women, for example with health checks.” That’s not the model sex workers are fighting for, because it diminishes their autonomy.

Amnesty distinguishes the laws in Germany (and the Netherlands, where sex work is legal but regulated by local authorities) from those in New Zealand and Australia, which place “greater control into the hands of sex workers to operate independently, self-organize in informal cooperatives and control their own working environments,” the human rights groupstates. Melissa Farley, the psychologist and abolitionist researcher, rejects all of these models. “The state functions as a pimp, collecting taxes, which I consider blood money,” she wrote in an email last December. In the most recent government research, a 2008 survey of 770 sex workers by the New Zealand government, most reported that they were not likely to report violence to the police, which the government attributed to their sense of stigma. Farley sees this as proof that “wherever prostitution exists, the harm goes with it, regardless of legal status.”

To Amnesty, the lesson is that decriminalization isn’t like flipping a switch — it takes time for attitudes to shift. There are signs that this has begun: In the 2008 New Zealand survey, 40 percent of sex workers also said they felt a sense of camaraderie and belonging, suggesting that their relationships with one another may provide an antidote to stigma. Annah Pickering, who does street outreach for the New Zealand Prostitutes’ Collective, describes a more recent dynamic with the police that would be unthinkable almost anywhere else. “We used to wave the police down for help, and they’d keep driving, but now they take sex workers’ complaints seriously,” she said. She told me about an incident in South Auckland last year. “One client negotiated with a street worker; she did the act, and he refused to pay. She waved a cop down, and he told the client he had to pay and took him to the A.T.M. to get the money.”

Sixty years ago, after Gloria Steinem graduated from Smith College, she spent two years in India on a fellowship observing village-based land reform. Returning to the country in 2014, she called prostitution “commercial rape,” making headlines. Until recently, Indian feminists shared Steinem’s views of prostitution, but many have gradually shifted their thinking. In 2014, Lalitha Kumaramangalam, the chairwoman of India’s National Commission on Women, came out in favor of decriminalization, saying it would help protect sex workers from violence and improve their health care. Reaction within India was mixed. But the refusal of Americans like Steinem to rethink their broad-brush condemnation of sex work, or the wisdom of rescue tactics, angers some feminists there. “Why have you locked yourself into saving sex workers in India and not engaged with the larger women’s movement?” asked Geeta Misra, who runs the human rights group C.R.E.A. in New Delhi, which tries to build feminist leadership and expand sexual and reproductive freedom.

The debate shifted in India largely because of the role of the country’s sex-worker collectives, which are among the largest in the world, and which exert a social and political force that has no parallel in the United States. Founded in the early 1990s, the collectives first proved adept at helping to slow the spread of H.I.V. Melinda Gates went to Sonagachi, the red-light district in the city of Kolkata, in 2004 and wrote in The Seattle Times about a sex worker named Gita and her peers, who “have helped to increase condom use from zero to 70 percent in their district, and to reduce H.I.V. infection rates to 7 percent — compared with rates as high as 66 percent among sex workers elsewhere.” Gates concluded by announcing that the foundation she created with her husband, Bill Gates, would spend $200 million to fight H.I.V. in India, an amount later raised to $338 million.


The sex-worker collective in Sonagachi, the Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Committee (D.M.S.C., the “Unstoppable Women Committee”), now has 65,000 members and runs schools for the children of sex workers, who often face discrimination, and has established banks where sex workers can open accounts. In rural Sangli, 6,000 people belong to Veshya Anyay Mukti Parishad (or VAMP, “Sex Workers Fight Injustice”), an offshoot of Sangram, the public-health group.

While it’s illegal to own a brothel or sell sex on the street in India, indoor prostitution is not against the law. Enforcement is uneven, and the police sometimes demand sex or bribes. Nevertheless, the relationship between the police and sex workers can approach a tenuous détente that allows the collectives to assert themselves. A project of the Gates Foundation, from 2005 until 2011, used the collective model to organize 60,000 sex workers in Karnataka. They brought in peer educators to talk to the police and lawyers to teach sex workers about their rights not to be harassed and, often, not to be arrested. As arrests dropped, so did violence by the police, pimps and clients, along with the H.I.V. rate, according to a study last year in The Journal of the International AIDS Society.

Human rights advocates, including Amnesty, think the sex-worker collectives are a far better means of preventing trafficking and under-age prostitution than brothel raids. D.M.S.C. and VAMP run screening boardsin Sonagachi and Sangli, which interview women who are new to the district, asking if they’ve entered the sex trade willingly and sometimes checking birth certificates for proof that the women are at least 18 (partly out of self-interest, because older women often don’t want to compete with younger ones). It’s not a perfect system by any means. Among other shortcomings, high-end brothels in Sonagachi, run by people calledagrawalis, don’t participate in the collective’s condom distribution, say researchers, including Prabha Kotiswaran, a faculty member at King’s College, London, who conducted months of field work in Sonagachi for her book “Dangerous Sex, Invisible Labor.” “The agrawalis are a source of under-age trafficking,” Kotiswaran says. At other brothels, however, she saw D.M.S.C.’s staff trying to help girls leave and find better options than state-run protective custody, where they often wind up after raids. “That’s a nightmare, like prison,” Kotiswaran says.

Indian feminists want poor women to have alternatives for making a decent living, but they are hard to come by. Kotiswaran found that women could make roughly six times as much doing sex work in Sonagachi as they could at a garment factory. In one study in 2011 of more than 5,000 women across India, only 3 percent said they were “forced” into the sex trade, and only 10 percent said they freely chose it. The rest fell into the gray area in between, giving reasons related to poverty or issues like domestic violence or desertion.

In any other context, American feminists would celebrate tens of thousands of women organizing to improve their lives. But Steinem expresses deep suspicion of the Indian sex-worker collectives. D.M.S.C. has enabled “the sex industry to attract millions of dollars from the Gates Foundation,” creating “a big new source of income for brothel owners, pimps and traffickers,” she wrote in the newspaper The Hindu in 2012. Last fall, in aninterview with Esquire, she called the foundation’s work in India a “disaster” and said there was “no evidence that women have the power to make men use condoms.” (Through a spokesman, the Gates Foundation declined to comment.) Yet studies have shown large jumps in condom usewhen sex workers organize, and the annual rate of new H.I.V. infections in India has fallen by half.

Steinem’s guide in Sonagachi, and during part of her 2014 trip, was Ruchira Gupta, an Indian former journalist who founded a group called Apne Aap, which tries to help women leave sex work and has helped the police raid brothels. Gupta has strong ties with American abolitionists. She received funding from the State Department during the Bush administration, won a Clinton Global Citizen Award in 2009 and is scheduled to receive an honorary degree from Smith College this month. Steinem is on Apne Aap’sadvisory board. Nicholas Kristof, an opinion columnist for The New York Times who has gone on brothel raids (including one in Cambodia that helive-tweeted), has called Gupta a “brilliant social entrepreneur.” When I asked Gupta about the Gates Foundation’s work preventing AIDS, she said: “They’re thinking about the 45-year-old man who is the client. Instead of protecting women and girls from rapists, they protect the men from AIDS.” Gupta similarly denounced Amnesty and Human Rights Watch: “They see a little girl in a brothel and think it’s fine, if we give her a condom.” Rachel Moran, author of the recent memoir “Paid For,” who calls herself a survivor of prostitution in Ireland, also says that “Amnesty International has taken their views directly from pimps and traffickers.” Amnesty categorically denies these accusations, explaining that it consulted sex workers along with doing extensive research. “We recognize that harm can occur in sex work, but to characterize the sex-workers’ rights movement as a front for pimps is really shocking,” Catherine Murphy of Amnesty says.

Steinem declined to talk to me. Her assistant said she would defer to Gupta as “her source on this subject.” Human rights advocates question Gupta’s approach because of the complexity of sex work in India. Many women who sell sex do so alone or in small groups, out of homes or in side streets, truck stops, parks or railway stops. Some rent rooms from women who have done or continue to do sex work. Those women are often the ones arrested on charges of brothel-keeping or trafficking, says Siddharth Dube, a public-health expert and former senior adviser at U.N.AIDS who writes extensively about sex work in India in a memoir, “No One Else.” He adds, “And this is a disaster, because this is a helpless impoverished woman in her 40s or 50s trying to survive.”

There is another side to prostitution in India, which Dube says is far less prevalent: Small rural communities in which, for some families, prostitution is intergenerational, and women or girls are expected to enter the trade. These are some of the most difficult places in which to fight trafficking. “You must try,” Dube says. “But you’re walking into a very complex and explosive situation where you can make huge errors of judgment in identifying who is a trafficker.” Like everyone I spoke to, he opposes under-age prostitution. But to address it, “you can’t just have raids in a slipshod way or seek publicity. You have to really painstakingly try to solve these problems with the community.”


Apne Aap concentrates much of its work in these kinds of communities and has brought in the media to cover raids and intergenerational prostitution. But one TV segment, “The ‘Fallen’ Women of Perna,” which was broadcast on the TV show “India Today,” provoked beatings by some family members of some of the girls and women who appeared on the show, according to former American and European interns and Indian staff members of Apne Aap who wrote letters criticizing the organization in 2014. They sent the letters to Apne Aap’s main funder, the NoVo Foundation in New York, founded by Warren Buffett’s son Peter.

Gupta questioned whether the beatings occurred and said that if they did, “it wasn’t because of Apne Aap.” She told me she hated the show’s title, but the group promoted the segment, which included an interview with her. “Through the use of occasional media,” Gupta says, “we frighten the local authorities not to collude with the traffickers, and we frighten the traffickers to think what they’re doing will go public.”

The former Apne Aap employees also wrote that “there is a disconnect” between the organization’s head office and the “needs and voices” of the field offices and the girls and women they aim to serve. After the letters, Apne Aap ended the international intern program. It also stopped renting an expensive office and house in Delhi, far from its field work, and hired Dalberg Development Associates to assess its impact over the previous five years. Dalberg praised Apne Aap’s work bringing women together, providing legal training and, in particular, helping to place children at risk of prostitution in residential schools, but recommended that the group “reduce or delink direct involvement” in Apne Aap is halfway through receiving a two-year $700,000 grant from the NoVo Foundation. In an email, NoVo said it continued to support the organization out of concern for the “marginalized girls and women who rely on Apne Aap for essential services.” The American support, in particular by Steinem, for Apne Aap’s model saddens and frustrates Indian feminists who promote the sex-worker collectives. “Gloria Steinem was one of our icons,” says Meena Seshu of Sangram. “We really looked up to her. Why doesn’t she come and listen to the people here, with respect and dignity?”

A few years ago, VAMP, the Sangli collective, made a short film, “Save Us From Saviors.” On camera, a leader in the collective named Shabana says: “I started doing sex work when I was 12 years old. One of my sisters was burnt to death. I might also have been killed, so I ran away.” In the next shot, dressed in a bright yellow sari, she sits with her two children, and one of them kisses her on the head. “It is only recently that I’ve started thinking it’s good that I’m in sex work,” Shabana says. “I don’t have to depend on anyone for anything.”

What would decriminalization in the United States look like, if the sex-workers’ rights movement got its way? It’s hard to apply lessons from other countries. Some activists think the best way to find out would be to start with a local experiment. “You need one place to try it,” Meg Muñoz said to me, mentioning the legalization of marijuana in Colorado. “You need the right testing environment.” It’s not clear where that would be, though; San Francisco voters rejected a decriminalization referendum by a wide margin in 2008.

The way decriminalization might play out probably lies in the unsexy details of implementation. Cities could use zoning ordinances to address concerns about the effects on residential neighborhoods by confining brothels, like strip clubs, to industrial areas and limiting their size. Trafficking and promoting under-age prostitution would remain crimes. People could work discreetly in their own homes or hotels without fear of reprisal. The sex industry could become safer, as activists hope. It’s also possible that the sex trade would grow, as abolitionists warn, especially if one area turned into a sex-tourism hot spot.

Until now, abolitionist ideas about punishing men and treating women as victims have dominated legal reform in the United States. Seattle, for example, has announced a shift toward arresting male clients and connecting sex workers with services. But sex workers I spoke to around the country, in a variety of life circumstances, raised questions about how punishing buyers would make their lives better; they would still be participating in illegal transactions and have something to hide. An older escort told me that if she didn’t dread exposure and losing her business, she would report under-age prostitution and trafficking to the police if she witnessed it.


Three years ago in New York, abolitionists encouraged the establishment of Human Trafficking Intervention Courts for people arrested on prostitution charges. Judges mandate services like counseling to address trauma and can dismiss charges against those who attend and aren’t rearrested. It’s better than having a criminal record, sex workers and their advocates say, but women who don’t comply can still end up in jail, and some of those who attend say they resent being forced into the mandated counseling. The courts also authorize pretrial detention, sending women to jail to protect them from men in their lives, if a judge deems it necessary, or simply to prevent their immediate return to prostitution. These courts are an experiment in “penal welfare” because they repackage criminal intervention as social services, argues Kate Mogulescu, the founder and supervising attorney of the Exploitation Intervention Project at the Legal Aid Society. A few months before the trafficking courts opened, New York State passed a “bawdy house” law, making it easier for prosecutors to institute eviction proceedings for prostitution if landlords do not.

Last spring, with support from abolitionists and conservatives (the same coalition from the days of the Bush administration), Congress passed the Justice for Victims of Trafficking Act, which makes the crime of buying sex from a trafficking victim equivalent to sex trafficking itself. The maximum sentence is 99 years in prison. Rachel Lloyd of GEMS thinks the emphasis of reform should be on helping girls and women, not increasing penalties for men who pay for sex. In 2008, she helped pass a safe-harbor law, which treats juveniles in prostitution as victims, rather than criminals, in New York. (More than half the states have such laws.)

Talking to sex workers across the country, in a variety of life circumstances, I heard a range of feelings about what they do. A self-described East Indian courtesan in New York said she loved “playing a role, developing a fantasy we can both walk into out of our mundane lives.” A dominatrix who lives on the Upper East Side told me she sometimes felt good about making an emotional connection. Then her tone changed. “But God, I hate putting on the strap-on.” A woman in Brooklyn said her clients meant nothing to her. “I only care about my kids,” she said. “This is about providing for them.” Mistress Matisse, the Seattle dominatrix, treats some clients as friends; one does her taxes, and another, an exterminator, checks her house for bugs. She raised thousands of dollars from clients and online donors to help a woman named Heather in West Virginia, who told me she hated sex work but was doing it to buy heroin, pay for living expenses and go into drug treatment. “If you don’t want to do this work, you shouldn’t have to,” Mistress Matisse told me. “I can see how it would bruise your heart.” Other women, sounding numb or even traumatized, said that they had to dissociate to get through their time with clients. Ceyenne, an activist who was arrested a few years ago while doing “fetish work” in New Jersey, said, “Mentally and physically, it’s a lot to carry.” She wrote a memoir, and she speaks regularly to L.G.B.T. youth groups. “When I talk to these girls coming up now, I tell them to reach for more.”

The traditional feminist argument against decriminalization is that legitimizing prostitution will harm women by leading to more sexual inequality. The human rights argument for it is that it will make people’s lives better, and safer. In this fight over whose voices to listen to, who speaks for whom and when to use the power of criminal law, the sex-workers’ rights movement is a rebellion against punishment and shame. It demands respect for a group that has rarely received it, insisting that you can only really help people if you respect them.

brothel rescues.



Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 306 other followers