Same-Sex Marriage in Thailand

The House of Representatives voted overwhelmingly to legalize same-sex marriage. The bill now goes to Thailand’s Senate.

Two people in a crowd, both holding flowers and wearing identical shirts, nuzzle affectionately.
L.G.B.T.Q. couples took part in a “mock marriage” ceremony on Valentine’s Day in Bangkok. 

March 27, 2024

Want to stay updated on what’s happening in Thailand? Sign up for Your Places: Global Update

, and we’ll send our latest coverage to your inbox.

Thailand’s House of Representatives on Wednesday overwhelmingly passed a bill that would legalize same-sex marriage, bringing the measure a significant step closer to becoming law.

The bill passed by 400 votes to 10, with a handful of abstentions, and now the legislation goes to the Senate. If it passes there, and if Thailand’s king approves it, the country will become the first in Southeast Asia to recognize same-sex marriages. In Asia more broadly, only Taiwan and Nepal have done so.

Thailand’s bill describes marriage as a partnership between two individuals, rather than between a woman and a man. It will also give L.G.B.T.Q. couples equal rights to various tax savings, the ability to inherit property and the power to give medical treatment consent for partners who are incapacitated. The draft will also grant adoption rights. Thai law currently allows only heterosexual couples to adopt, although single women can adopt children with special needs.

“The amendment of this law is for all Thai people. It is the starting point to create equality,” Danuphorn Punnakanta, a lawmaker who chairs the lower house’s committee on marriage equality, told Parliament. “We understand that this law is not a universal cure to every problem, but at least it’s the first step toward equality in Thai society.”

The legislation has been more than a decade in the making, with obstacles stemming from political upheaval and disagreements as to the approach to take and what to include in the bill. In December, Parliament passed four proposed draft bills on same-sex marriage; one was put forward by Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin’s administration, and three additional versions by the Move Forward Party, the Democrat Party and the civil sector were considered. These four were combined into a single draft that was passed on Wednesday.

“This is the greatest victory,” said Nada Chaiyajit, a law lecturer at Mae Fah Luang University, Chiang Rai, who has supported the law from its beginnings. “We have been working hard with the committee. This is not only about L.G.B.T.I.Q., this is about everyone. Equality.”

Thailand is one of the most open places in the world for L.G.B.T.Q. people, though some elements of its Buddhist-dominated culture are socially conservative.

Ten Years of Modi’s Disastrous Rule

Narendra Modi has kept India on its swift upward path among the world’s largest economies. Many Indians are better off, though wealth gaps have widened.

  • Share full article
  • 172
Orange streamers and confetti thrown in the air as spectator's observe someone driving by and celebrating.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi at a rally of his political party. After 10 years in office, he stands to win another term in elections that start in April. Credit…Mahesh Kumar A./Associated Press

Alex Travelli, the South Asia business correspondent, has reported from New Delhi since 2013.

S.

Now as Mr. Modi stands set to secure another term as prime minister in elections starting on April 19, the value of India’s stock market has grown threefold since he first took office. India’s economy is almost twice as big as it was.

Stocks have risen so much because the number of Indians with enough wealth and appetite for investment risk has jumped — to nearly 5 percent of the population from barely 2 percent.

But the economic gains have been widely unequal. The bulk of India’s growth depends on those at the top of the income ladder, including a coterie of huge and tightly controlled businesses.

Ninety percent of India’s population of 1.4 billion is estimated to subsist on less than $3,500 a year. Yet in the poorest rural districts, life has been made more bearable by welfare programs that have expanded under Mr. Modi. Many of the benefits are solid and visible: sacks of free grain, toilets, gas cylinders and housing materials. Purely commercial developments have transformed village life: LED lights, cheap smartphones and nearly free mobile data have changed the nature of idle time.

While America was experiencing a “vibecession,” feeling glum despite upbeat economic news, India has been doing the opposite. Here many of the signals are mixed — but the vibes are fantastic. International surveys show India’s consumers have become the most upbeat anywhere.

A group of women factory workers wearing brightly colorful clothing and identification tags on lanyards walking with trees behind them.
Workers at a factory in Sriperumbudur in Tamil Nadu.Credit…Atul Loke for The New York Times
Half a dozen construction laborers, some wearing hard hats, working on a rooftop with a large crane behind them.
Construction on a facility to house Foxconn workers in Sriperumbudur in Tamil Nadu.Credit…Atul Loke for The New York Times

Foreigners are also feeling good about the Modi economy. Banks like Morgan Stanley and JPMorgan Chase are rushing to upgrade India’s weighting in their global stock and bond indexes. Chris Wood, one of the best-regarded market strategists in Asia, warned that if Mr. Modi were not re-elected this year, Indian markets could crash by 25 percent or more.

A strange thing about the spirit of optimism about the Modi economy is that India’s rates of growth over the past 10 years have been very similar to those of the decade that preceded it, under a government that Mr. Modi often blames for wrecking the country.

As real as it is, the Indian economic success story is also an attribute of what could be the singular characteristic of Mr. Modi’s years in the top job: his ability to control all levers of power, with showmanship as the first priority.

Mr. Modi’s face is everywhere, perhaps more present in New Delhi than that of any democratically elected leader in any other capital. In the run-up to the Group of 20 summit last September, his slogans took credit for virtually every positive development that could be found in this inexorably emerging economy.

In the bullish climate surrounding the Indian economy, even the pessimists are optimistic. While official statistics anticipate growth of 7.3 percent in the current fiscal year, most finance professionals in Mumbai peg the figure at 6 to 6.5 percent. The lowest estimate touches 4.5 percent, which would still beat the United States and possibly China.

Billboards with Mr. Modi's face on them and slogans.
Posters promoting India’s advance, and Mr. Modi, were present everywhere in New Delhi when the capital hosted last year’s Group of 20 summit.Credit…Kenny Holston/The New York Times
Several women workers wearing uniforms with gray pants and black shirts, and wearing safety glasses, working at an electric scooter factory.
An electric scooter factory in Tamil Nadu.Credit…Atul Loke for The New York Times

Expressing even mild skepticism is avoided. Economists who depend on government work must be careful not to speak frankly. Economists who do not work with the government are becoming scarce, as independent think tanks are raided and shuttered.

Message control is much more pronounced than it was under Mr. Modi’s predecessor, the award-winning economist Manmohan Singh. India became known as a “flailing state” during Mr. Singh’s time in office, even with growth occasionally hitting the 10 percent mark.

Mr. Modi has been busy remaking the institutions of Indian governance. Political competition has been all but eliminated at the national level, and he has exploited animosity against the country’s Muslim minority of 200 million.

Mr. Modi has also used state power to make things happen in strictly economic affairs, mostly for better though sometimes for worse. Infrastructure is on a tear. There is some overbuilding, but the fact that building gets done is a welcome relief. Welfare programs have become more responsive.

India — especially in banking and business transactions — has made a widespread digital leap. The push began during the previous management of Mr. Singh, but Mr. Modi has run with it. The “India Stack,” a suite of software platforms that runs on the base of Aadhaar, a biometric identification system, means that Indians now have access to faster and cheaper peer-to-peer transactions than Americans.

Taxes have been overhauled. India has driven more of the economy into the formal sector, for instance by enacting a Goods and Services Tax like Europe’s value-added tax, allowing more revenue to be extracted from more people and businesses. That has freed up money for public spending and, by lowering corporate tax rates, private financing.

Two employees of a high-tech company wearing head-to-toe white suits working in a lab.
Employees at an aerospace manufacturer headquartered in Hyderabad. Credit…Atul Loke for The New York Times
People standing very closely together in a line, with a police officer holding a wooden stick warning them not to jump the queue.
People queued to exchange or deposit discontinued currency in 2016 after Mr. Modi abruptly declared that high-value” or large-denomination notes were suddenly worthless.Credit…Altaf Qadri/Associated Press

One minus on the digitization ledger came on Nov. 8, 2016, when at 8 p.m. Mr. Modi abruptly declared that all large currency notes were suddenly worthless. That was supposed to deprive criminals of “black money.” Instead, it crippled economic activity.

There are other ways the Indian government’s power to act decisively and usually without check has created distortions and inequalities. The biggest companies have profited wildly. Of the $1.4 trillion in wealth created by the most prestigious stock index from 2012 to 2022, 80 percent went to 20 companies, Marcellus Investment Managers in Mumbai estimated in 2022. Those companies are the ones that can talk directly to the government.

No one better illustrates the concentration of corporate wealth, and the risks associated with it, than Gautam Adani. Outside India, few knew his name until 2022, when he suddenly appeared on lists as the world’s second-richest person, after Elon Musk.

The flagship stock of Mr. Adani’s conglomerate nearly doubled in the year after Mr. Modi was elected and grew eight times larger after he was re-elected in 2019. The Adani Group became, in effect, a logistics arm of the government, building up ports, highways, bridges and solar farms at speeds never before seen.

Then last year Mr. Adani’s empire was accused of fraud by a New York short-seller, costing Mr. Adani $150 billion on paper. Though Mr. Adani, who denied the claims, has recouped most of the money he lost, the episode exposed a risk in the Modi strategy of allowing the few at the tippy top to amass enormous clout.

How India’s economy has changed in a decade.

Gautam Adani, wearing a light blue shirt and darker color suit, seated having his portrait taken.
Gautam Adani, chairman and founder of the Adani Group, in Boston in 2022.Credit…M. Scott Brauer for The New York Times

Companies aside, on an individual level, India’s recent growth has been uncomfortably unequal. Having the world’s biggest population explains why so many foreign investors are attracted to its consumer market. Most Indians are rural, and 75 percent of them are by most measures poor, qualifying for free food rations intended to prevent malnutrition. Though that warrants some caution, it leaves room for growth.

Sales of luxury goods have been booming, especially since the pandemic, generating yearslong waiting lists for vehicles like the Mercedes G 63. Sales of motorbikes and scooters, which transport far more Indians than all the four-wheeled cars combined, have been stagnant.

The most painful aspect of the economy is the jobs situation. Officially about 7 percent of Indians are unemployed. Vastly more are underemployed. In the past month, Indians desperate to find better incomes abroad have died trying: while crossing the United States’ borders, fighting as underequipped mercenaries for Russia in Ukraine and filling positions left empty by Palestinians forced to stop working in Israel.

ADVERTISEMENT

SKIP ADVERTISEMENT

And yet, the ascent of India in the world economy seems preordained. It has moved ahead of Britain to become the world’s fifth-largest economy, and it is expected to surpass Japan and Germany to become the world’s third largest within the next few years.

More multinational businesses are expected to flock to India, creating opportunities for Indians. Only a small proportion of consumers can expect to enjoy living standards taken for granted in the United States, but they are becoming more numerous by the year, and can now be found even in small cities.

Red tape remains to impede businesses without connections to the top of government. But the direction of movement is promising: Projects that used to require two years of permission-seeking can now be completed in 15 days.

Along with the acchhe din he promised in 2014, Mr. Modi pledged “minimum government, maximum governance,” sounding like a 1980s America free marketeer. In practice, his economic approach has not been defined by theory or ideology. He has thrown everything against the wall to see what sticks. He has thrown persistently, and with force. When economists talk about India, they have stopped talking about the “flailing state.”

Read by Alex Travelli

Audio produced by Parin Behrooz.

People waiting for a chai, in a busy market in New Delhi.
A chai stall in New Delhi. Credit…Rebecca Conway for The New York Times
Workers wearing safety helmets inside a factory with a large ship under construction hoisted in the air.
A shipbuilding factory near Chennai.Credit…Atul Loke for The New York Times

Indian Punjabi Girls Interest in Cricket

The girls arrive at the makeshift cricket ground on their bicycles, a narrow file of white athletic uniforms breezing down a dirt track that cuts through lush wheat fields in India’s Punjab region. They wear their names and numbers on their backs, their hair tied in long, neat braids. The youngest is 9, the oldest 14.

It’s time for practice: a two-mile run, a couple hours of batting, bowling and catching drills, and lots of giggles. Overseeing it all is Gulab Singh Shergill, a police officer by day, their manager, mentor and champion by evening. The girls, including his own daughter, all refer to him as “veera,” meaning elder brother in Punjabi.

But there would be no team, no dream, without the women. When someone is struck by a ball — made of hard cork and leather — Mr. Shergill’s mother, Harjeet Kaur, is there to offer comfort until the sobbing stops and the girl runs back to the pitch. Mr. Shergill’s wife, Kamaldeep Kaur, helps coordinate with the 20-odd families through the team’s WhatsApp group. His sister, Jasvir Kaur, acts as a physical therapist of sorts: tummy rubs and deep breaths for the 9-year-old who arrived for practice after overindulging at a wedding function, facedown stretches for the girl struggling with leg cramps.

For the girls, the daily routine is an escape from the boredom of village life. After each practice, they lie in a circle, their backs to the grass, their faces to the sky’s fading light. They close their eyes for two minutes of silent reflection.

It’s about a lot more than cricket.

“What is the village life? You wake up at 5 a.m., bake bread and prepare food and tea — all the housework is for the girls,” Mr. Shergill tells them. “If you don’t become a player, you will be waking up early all your life until you are old. It will be marriage, and working for your husband, and then it will be for your children.”

And if they make it as professional players?

“You will have helpers,” he says with a smile. “You will pick up the phone, ring them, and they will bring you tea.”

Image
The girls go through bowling and batting drills at their village grounds.
Image

Jasvir Kaur, the elder sister of the team’s manager, Gulab Singh Shergill, often acts as a physical therapist of sorts.
Image

Showing the other girls batting techniques.

If it ever felt as if Mr. Shergill was selling a pipe dream, it now feels a bit less so.

A remarkable thing happened this spring: A new Indian professional cricket league for women held its inaugural season, a more than $500 million bet on female talent in what is by far the country’s most popular sport. The women’s league is modeled on India’s hugely successful men’s professional cricket league, known as the Indian Premier League, featuring teams that are stocked chiefly with Indian players but also include other top players from around the world. The two leagues make India the world’s foremost stage for professional cricket.

In just 15 years, the men’s Premier League has become one of the most valuable sports organizations on the planet. Teams bought for $100 million are now estimated to be worth $1 billion. The money flooding in has been used to improve infrastructure at the sport’s lower levels and groom younger players.

Now, wealthy investors see an opportunity in the Women’s Premier League, too, and are pouring in hundreds of millions of dollars. That means the kind of opportunities for female athletes that never existed before.

Opening up what has long been known as “the gentleman’s game” sends a powerful psychological message to hundreds of millions of women and girls in what will soon be the world’s most populous country. Gender roles remain rigid in India, where only about 20 percent of women are employed in the formal work force, one of the lowest rates globally. If the country is to meet its full economic potential, it must chip away at that gender divide.In the case of cricket, at least, some of India’s most famous industrialists — the Ambanis, the Adanis and others — are invested in ensuring that women thrive. The five teams created for the inaugural season, which took place last month, were sold by the league for $570 million in total, or an average of about $110 million per franchise. Overnight, the league became the world’s second-most-valuable women’s sports association, after the W.N.B.A.

Image

The girls cooled down while Mr. Shergill’s mother, wife and sister snapped beans for dinner.

The splashy debut got an enthusiastic reception among fans, even if it paled in comparison to the ferocious following for the men. Some of the matches drew as many as 35,000 people. Fifty million viewers in India tuned in during the league’s first week. Social media was filled with chatter and memes about the players.

“Everyone is a stakeholder now in making it successful,” said Nikhil Bardia, an executive at RISE Worldwide, a sports and entertainment agency, “in empowering the women ecosystem to have a lot more heroes.”

A majority of the players who have made it — running and diving on India’s cricket fields one day, appearing in ads for luxury cars, jewelry and sunscreen the next — come from villages and small towns. The girls in Punjab know this well because one of the most famous of them, Harmanpreet Kaur, is a local legend from their home state.

Last month, as the women’s league kicked off in Mumbai, Ms. Kaur, 34, walked out to fireworks in the buzzing stadium, flanked by the captains of the other four teams. For years, she has been the captain of India’s national team.

She embodies this moment’s transformative potential for women’s sports.

Ms. Kaur has risen to the heights of cricket only because a coach identified her talent in high school and let her practice with the boys — there were no girls’ teams in her area. Eventually, she said in an interview, he built a girls’ team around her.

Even after she had become a fixture on the women’s national team, she had to keep looking for side jobs. She found part-time work far away from home, at Indian Railways in Mumbai. The contrast was deflating: representing India on the global stage, then returning to a junior clerk job, carrying documents between offices at a crowded train station.

Her routine was grueling, with hours of practice before and after work, and hours on the train rushing from place to place.

“Many of my friends left cricket,” Ms. Kaur said. “At some point, they had to choose one — cricket or office life.”

Selling merchandise outside the stadium in Mumbai.
Image

The opening match drew about 20,000 fans.
Harmanpreet Kaur, center, and her teammates after winning the final match of the Women’s Premier League.

Women’s cricket suffered from indifference until 2006, when India’s cash-rich governing board for the sport finally took it under its wing. But only recently, after a string of successful performances by the national women’s team on the international stage, did the board invest in earnest in layers of district and state competition for female players.

Cricket experts say that the turning point was the World Cup in 2017 in England, when India lost a heartbreaking final but Ms. Kaur had a star turn. Her performance was so dominating and drew such wide attention on television and social media that one cricket commentator declared: “Harmanpreet smacked women’s cricket into lounge rooms.”

In recent years, contracts from the board that oversees Indian cricket, and efforts to reach pay parity between men and women, have brought some financial security for national team players. Now, with the advent of the women’s professional league, India will need to develop a female talent pool up and down the country.

“The young girls who haven’t gotten enough chances — for them this is a great platform,” Ms. Kaur said before the league’s opener.

That match, which included colorful song and dance performances, drew a crowd of about 20,000 people. One of the spectators was Ishita Dave, who works in Mumbai’s film industry.

Ms. Dave noticed that the stadium announcer did not call out Ms. Kaur’s name as she walked out to bat — none of the hype-building that routinely introduces a male player of her stature. But as Ms. Kaur belted the ball around the stadium, Ms. Dave and two of her friends stood up to start a chant: HAR-MAN-PREET! HAR-MAN-PREET!

Initially, their enthusiasm drew quizzical looks from the largely male crowd. But by the end of the match, even the announcer was joining in: HAR-MAN-PREET! HAR-MAN-PREET!

“It will eventually catch up — it will have to,” Ms. Dave said about the rise of the women’s game. “Lots of us will make sure that it does.”

As Ms. Kaur led her team to victory after victory in Mumbai, as she received accolade after accolade and check after check, the girls in the village of Dharoki were watching.

They included two sisters, Naina and Sunaina, ages 13 and 12, both cricket team members.

Naina and her sister Sunaina watching Ms. Kaur at their home in Dharoki.

Both of their parents are sweepers — their father works as a sweeper at the private school in the village, and their mother sweeps the houses of five different families. The family share a one-bedroom on a second floor, which they reach by climbing a rickety ladder. Downstairs, there is storage only for the girls’ bicycles, which they use to get to school and to practice. When it rains, a corner of their room drips.When Women’s Premier League games were on television, the sisters would return from their own cricket practice, change into comfortable clothes and bundle up with their father on the bed to catch the action on their small Samsung television, as their mother prepared dinner on the stove on the balcony.

Naina and Sunaina can list the best players, which teams they play for. And, as easily: the handsome sum — exceeding $400,000 at the very top — that each is paid for not even a month’s play.

Naina and Sunaina and their family live in a single room.
A ladder is the only way to reach their home.
The girls on their way to school.

The girls’ cricket team in Dharoki started with a vow that its manager, Mr. Shergill, made from the roof of a house long run by women.

His mother and two sisters farmed their land and raised him after his father died of a heart attack when Mr. Shergill was 6. When he finished his studies, he helped sell his family’s farm produce in other states while trying his luck repeatedly at the police entrance exam.

On one of his trips to the state of Gujarat, he saw a cricket training facility in a village — the sport is mostly played in ad hoc spaces in India — and thought: If they can do it, why can’t we? If he got the police job, he pledged, he would spend a good chunk of his salary on building a team.

It began with tossing balls at his own daughter, Harsimrat, his only child, on their rooftop when she was 6. When the Covid lockdown shut schools, the number of girls on the rooftop increased. So did the number of balls landing in the neighbor’s house.

Mr. Shergill at first erected nets around the roof. Then he carved out a corner of the family’s wheat fields and dedicated himself to managing the team three years ago.

“We don’t know what got under him,” his sister, Jasvir, said with a smile.

The household expenses are largely covered by his wife’s earnings as a government clerk, supplemented by the farm’s income. Much of Mr. Shergill’s monthly salary of about $600 goes to jerseys and equipment, food and fuel. He pays a part-time coach to do the technical training.

He is sensitive to the fact that his players come from diverse financial backgrounds. He provides the same shoes for all. The batting equipment is shared. Everyone’s tiffin has the same food on travel days. The last thing a child needs is a taunt: that her shoes were donated while others came with shoes bought by their parents.

Beyond the daily practice, Mr. Shergill is obsessive about finding exposure opportunities for his players — and every time, he makes clear that cricket is just a vehicle.

Mr. Shergill’s wife, Kamaldeep Kaur, a government clerk, readies their daughter, Harsimrat, for cricket practice.
Harsimrat decorating her cricket bat handle with lace before going to practice.
Warming up before the selections.

He has managed to get passports for all of his players — he keeps them, with copies of their school certificates and citizenship IDs, safe at home. For more than a dozen of them, he can recall their birthdays off the top of his head.

Last September, the team traveled to Mohali, about 50 miles from the village, to watch the Indian men’s national team play Australia. Mr. Shergill’s sister and wife baked 60 rotis, two for each girl and a few for the adults, and cooked some vegetables, packing all the food and water into one bag. They and his mother chaperoned the girls.

The team arrived early at the stadium. “Everyone sees the match,” Mr. Shergill said. “We were there to see them practice.”

After the match, when the V.I.P.’s had gone home, Mr. Shergill took the girls on a tour of their section of the stands. As the girls enjoyed the comfort of chairs marked with the names of dignitaries, Mr. Shergill made a video of them.

“This child — she is sitting in the chief minister of Punjab’s seat!” he says in the video as he moves the camera down the line, the pride and joy clear in his voice. “Karandeep Kaur — in the chair of Honorable Justice Ravi Shanker Jha! Naina, in the chair of Harbhajan Singh, member of Parliament!”

This is what it looks like to chip away at India’s rigid gender divide. The girls walk and talk with the kind of confidence and ease that come with familiarity with things beyond one’s immediate life, with travel and exposure. They have seen the cities, they have eaten in restaurants, they have sat in the front rows of stadiums with cameras pointed their way.

Back home, their daily routine — two dozen girls challenging themselves out in the open, enjoying themselves — has become just another part of village life. Their presence feels as rooted as the peepal tree that shades the bench where Grandma Kaur sits to watch the drills as she snaps green beans for dinner.

But it is also building toward something bigger, something beyond the village.

One morning in late March, Mr. Shergill and his team arrived at the cricket ground in the city of Patiala, where recruiters were shortlisting players for the district’s under-15 squad. Selection to this team is the only way the girls get a significant opportunity to play in competitive matches and put themselves on the sport’s official radar.

The girls going through their drills as recruiters watched.
Image

Mr. Shergill helping the girls fill out their paperwork.
At the end of the recruitment session, players posed for selfies as they waited for their parents to pick them up.

Three women, all former state-level players, kept a watchful eye and made notes. As the girls went through their drills — taking their turn batting, running in to show their bowling skills — Mr. Shergill sat in the shade of a tree and filled out their paperwork.

At the end of the session, the recruiters told Mr. Shergill that five of his players would most likely make the team. (Days later, over the phone, they told him that seven had been selected.)

After the trial, the team walked to a nearby restaurant. Sitting around a long table, the girls pulled out their tiffins and water bottles and had their lunch. Then, a small cake arrived: It was 12-year-old Jasmin’s birthday. The girls sang together and fed each other cake. Then, in their white uniforms, they filed out of the restaurant to catch the bus back to the village.

Members of Mr. Shergill’s team celebrating the birthday of a player, Jasmin Kaur, after participating in the recruitment tryouts.

Sameer Yasir and Suhasini Raj contributed reporting and research.

Mujib Mashal is The Times’s bureau chief for South Asia. Born in Kabul, 

Thai Military Releases Former PM Thaksi

Thaksin Shinawatra, a divisive and compelling figure even in his years of exile, was once hailed as a champion of the common people. His recent moves have disillusioned followers.

Mr. Thaksin, wearing a dark suit and a red tie, smiles, flanked by other men who look more serious.
Former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra of Thailand, center, returning to Bangkok 2023.
Thailand’s ousted former prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, a leader once seen as a threat to the country’s wealthy elite, was released on parole on Feb 18, 2024, after spending only a fraction of his original eight-year prison term in detention — in a hospital.

Thaksin, who was removed in a coup and spent years in exile, made a stunning return to Thailand last year. He had been convicted in absentia on charges of corruption and abuse of power, and promptly sentenced when he was back in the country. But days later, the king commuted Mr. Thaksin’s sentence to one year, fueling speculation that he had struck a deal with powerful royalists. Last week, the authorities said he would be paroled soon.

A billionaire businessman, Thaksin remains one of Thailand’s most influential politicians. Analysts say he is unlikely to formally re-enter politics but could still play a significant role behind the scenes in the governing political party, Pheu Thai, the third incarnation of one of Mr. Thaksin’s political parties.

On Sunday morning, television footage showed Mr. Thaksin, in a neck brace, leaving the Police General Hospital in a car, along with his two daughters. A banner with the words “Welcome home” and “We’ve been waiting for this day for so, so long” was seen hanging at the front gate of his house in western Bangkok.

For many Thais, Mr. Thaksin’s parole was just the latest example of the two-tier justice system in the country, where the wealthy enjoy special treatment not given to the ordinary people. In a statement, the opposition Move Forward Party said Mr. Thaksin’s release raised questions of “double standards” and “supporting the privilege of a certain person over the rule of law.”

Mr. Thaksin, wearing a neck brace and a surgical mask, sits in a car as people crowded outside the window take pictures with a flash.
Mr. Thaksin with his daughters Paetongtarn and Pinthongta after being released on parole in Bangkok on Feb 18.

Move Forward officials have also questioned how much sway Mr. Thaksin would have over the current government. Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin suggested he remains in charge.

“The Thai Constitution only allows one prime minister at a time,” he told reporters on Sunday, adding that he planned to see Mr. Thaksin in due course.

For decades, Mr. Thaksin’s name invoked bitter divisions in Thailand. The country was split between the pro-Thaksin “red shirt” protesters from the rural north and the anti-Thaksin “yellow shirt” faction made up of royalists and the urban elite, which battled each other in the streets of Bangkok. Both the wealthy aristocrats and the military viewed him as a threat.

Thaksin was ousted in 2006 after about five years in office. Through his 15 years in self-exile, the political parties he founded consistently won the most votes in every election — except last year when the progressive Move Forward Party clinched a surprise victory. Many Thais, especially in the rural northern parts of Thailand, associate Thaksin with economic prosperity — he ushered in a universal health care system and implemented other policies that improved their livelihoods.

In August 2023, he returned to Thailand, arriving just hours before Parliament selected Thavisin as prime minister. Thaksin was quickly taken into custody and told by a court that he had to serve an eight-year sentence in connection with three cases of corruption and abuse of power.

But about a week later, Thailand’s king commuted Mr. Thaksin’s prison sentence to a year. On Tuesday, the justice minister said that Mr. Thaksin, 74, was among 930 prisoners who met early parole-criteria, which include having serious illnesses, being disabled, or older than 70. The justice minister added that this group of prisoners would automatically be released “after six months.”

On Thaksin’s first night in jail, the authorities said he was transferred to a police hospital because of chest pains, high blood pressure and low blood oxygen. He remained there for the rest of his sentence.

Many Thais who supported Thaksin say they are now disillusioned by him and Pheu Thai, believing that a quid pro quo arrangement was made with the conservative establishment to ensure that he would not be heavily punished in exchange for keeping the military and royalists in power.

But Thaksin’s legal troubles might not be over. Earlier this month, the Thai authorities said he still faces a criminal charge of defaming the monarchy dating back to 2016 over comments that he made in an interview with the Chosun Ilbo newspaper in Seoul. The attorney general has not decided yet if Mr. Thaksin should be indicted.

Turkey Further Destroys Syria

Turkish airstrikes leave millions short of power, fuel, and water

‘The escalation threatens to destabilise an already volatile region, which is sheltering hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people from across Syria.’

Damages to Zarbeh oil plant in Tirbespiyê, north of Syria after a missile attack by Turkish forces. Photo taken on January 15, 2024.Ivan Hasseeb/TNH
The al-Zarba oil field in northeast Syria, pictured after it was hit by an airstrike in mid-January 2024.

Months of Turkish airstrikes in northeast Syria have left more than a million people without power and double that number with no reliable access to water. Beyond the numbers, the cascading impacts have hit almost all parts of life, from homes and restaurants to petrol stations, buses, and bakeries.

Starting in early October, an initial series of heavy Turkish drone strikes knocked out civilian infrastructure and reportedly killed dozens – apparent retaliation for a suicide bombing outside a government building in Ankara that killed nine people.

The strikes have intensified since. According to the NES NGO Forum, a collection of aid groups that work in the region, attacks in December and January struck healthcare facilities as well as roads that are key for aid access, while a series of strikes in mid-January hit even more power stations.

The Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which Türkiye considers to be a terrorist group, claimed responsibility for the 1 October suicide bombing. Türkiye considers the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the military wing of the Kurdish administration that runs much of northeast Syria, to be an offshoot of the PKK.

Türkiye has bombed Kurdish regions of Syria and Iraq fairly regularly over the past few years in its campaign against the PKK, but activists and aid groups are warning that the latest escalation is more intense and longer-lasting than in the past, threatening massive fuel and water shortages, as well as aid access in a region where many already needed help.

While the past rounds of major hostilities and strikes on critical civilian infrastructure have had severe impacts, the compounding devastation caused by the latest round of strikes cannot be overstated,” the NES Forum said in a late January statement.

“The escalation threatens to destabilise an already volatile region, which is sheltering hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people from across Syria,” Izzadin Saleh, the executive director of local NGO Synergy Associations for Victims, told The New Humanitarian. As part of its work advocating for justice for victims of the war in north and northeast Syria, the local NGO documents airstrikes and their impact.

“The attacks have deprived millions of electricity, water, and cooking gas and destroyed infrastructure and facilities vital for the survival of civilians in the region,” Saleh added.

No power, no gas to cook with

Damaged power stations mean some households are going more than two weeks at a time without more than a few hours a day of government-provided electricity.

Instead, they are increasingly turning to privately owned generators, which supply power to paying subscribers. These have become increasingly common throughout Syria’s nearly 13-year war. Now, they are the only option, and they are out of financial reach for many.

“We are relying on neighbourhood generators,” said Majed Maroun, a 55-year-old retired teacher in Qamishli. But it’s not enough. “They provide each household a few amperes at $3 per ampere, which isn’t enough to power electrical appliances like the heater, washing machine, or even an iron. Three or four amperes are just enough to power lighting, the television, and the refrigerator.”

The October airstrikes rendered the critical Swediyeh Gas Station, the only producer of gas for domestic use in northeast Syria, completely non-operational, impacting over 920,000 people.

“The attacks destroyed a big part of the station, forcing the autonomous administration to import gas from the Kurdish region of Iraq, and selling each canister for the equivalent of $10, compared to $1 before that.”

Shirzad Alou, 48, who sells cooking gas in a poor neighbourhood in the city of Qamishli, near the Syria-Türkiye border, said the attacks have greatly reduced the availability and hiked the prices of cooking gas. The autonomous administration distributes 24kg canisters at subsidised prices to dealers like him, or directly to citizens via local councils.

“We used to get our canisters from the Swediyeh station, near the city of al-Malikiyah on the Syria-Iraq border,” he told The New Humanitarian. “The attacks destroyed a big part of the station, forcing the autonomous administration to import gas from the Kurdish region of Iraq, and selling each canister for [the equivalent of] $10, compared to $1 before that.”

To make matters worse, he added, some private sellers have been hawking their remaining stock at $30 to $40 a canister, a price that is out of reach for most people.

Shirine Hamou, a resident of the city of al-Hassakeh, northeastern Syria, said people like her can no longer afford the high prices of cooking gas, so they’re turning to dangerous alternatives like kerosene burners. While the Kurdish administration has now stopped producing or distributing diesel and kerosene, there is still some on the market.

“Kerosene is cheaper than cooking gas, which people are unable to afford,” Hamou told The New Humanitarian.

“We used it to heat the food or cook, but it is very dangerous because of the low quality of the kerosene, and the way it is stored in the burner,” she explained. “My burner even exploded half an hour after I turned it on. Fortunately, my children were not nearby.”

The region’s most important water station, Alouk, is completely out of service, meaning clean water no longer reaches many local reservoirs and boreholes. This is not the first time it has been shut down, leading to water shortages that are compounded by drought linked to climate change. In total, the NES Forum says more than two million people have limited access to safe water due to the lack of electricity.

In addition, some farmers in the region say that since last month they have been unable to irrigate their fields. They say rivers are newly polluted with oil, a development they blame on strikes on oil facilities.

Residents say the Kurdish administration has been relying on generators to pump clean water to its towns and villages, but it’s not enough.

“We used to get water three or four days a week, throughout the day, but now we have water for only three hours every two days,” Fatima Haji, a 42-year-old engineer from Qamishli, told The New Humanitarian. “The water pressure being pumped by the generators is now very weak, which means it cannot fill up reservoirs on rooftops of buildings that are four storeys high.”

The scarcity has forced residents to economise their water usage or buy drinking water bottles for daily use such as washing, showering, cooking, and cleaning, but these are also dwindling in the market, she added.

Transportation has become more expensive too. Before the attacks, the Kurdish administration sold subsidised fuel to petrol stations and public transport operators, distributing it daily. Now, station owners say distributions of subsidised fuel are less frequent, and irregular.

Khaldoun Ahmed, who owns a gas station in the city of al-Hassakeh, said he has received only two shipments of subsidised fuel since early October, and predicted that some petrol stations will be forced to shut down if the situation continues.

“The quantity we are receiving is not enough to meet the needs of people, who are queuing overnight and sleeping in their cars in front of the station ahead of distribution,” he said.

Taxi drivers have waited in long queues to try to get their allocated petrol. Others have gone on strike.

“Drivers have to buy high-quality fuel from the black market at the inflated price of $0.20 to $0.30 per litre, which is too high, especially if you compare it to the ride fare of $0.35 per kilometre that was set before the attacks. We demanded that the administration increase the fare but they refused. This is why we refuse to work unless we get diesel at cheaper prices,” Dejouar Fahmy, a public taxi driver, told The New Humanitarian. Fahmy operates between Qamishli and the town of Amuda, in al-Hassakeh province, about 30 kilometres away.

Others worry they will have to raise fares to cover the expenses of buying fuel on the black market.

“I bought [subsidised] diesel fuel from the black market at $0.25 per litre to operate my minibus from Qamishli to al-Malikiyah,” said minibus driver Jassem Al-Khodarji, 66. “But I’ll have to triple the ticket’s price to make some profit. It’s either that or I have to stop working, unless we find diesel at cheaper prices.”

The NES Forum has raised concerns that the transportation and healthcare sectors will soon be even more affected: Its late January report said that December damage to medical facilities has disrupted the oxygen supply to more than a dozen private and public hospitals, and other healthcare centres are also impacted, “increasing the risks of water-borne diseases, and jeopardising vital laboratory work and x-ray services”.

While almost everyone across the region have been affected in some way – farmers, taxi drivers, regular people just trying to turn the lights and taps on – there is special concern for vulnerable groups, like displaced people or those who were already struggling to get by because of years of economic collapse: The northeast is home to around 660,000 displaced people, around 140,000 in camps. Most were forced to flee their homes by violence during Syria’s war, and many are unable to return to buildings that are destroyed or unsafe.

While aid groups have been stepping in to distribute water, fix boreholes, and keep infrastructure going, the NES Forum has warned that “scale of damage far supersedes the humanitarian community’s capacity to sustain emergency life-saving service provision”.

But, as Hiba Zayadin, senior researcher at Human Rights Watch’s Middle East and North Africa Division, noted in a statement earlier this month, the world’s eyes are elsewhere.

“As the crisis in northeast Syria escalates, action is needed to mitigate the humanitarian impacts on the civilian population,” she wrote. “Türkiye should immediately stop targeting critical civilian infrastructure, respect international humanitarian law and hold to account those responsible for serious violations. All countries need to address the plight of the region’s populace even if other conflicts are dominating the headlines.”

People like Band Hussein, who owns a bakery in al-Malikiyah, worry it will just get worse. While the attacks have hit silos and mills, private and subsidised bakeries have managed to keep prices stable.

Hussein can’t see this lasting for long. “Fuel will become more scarce and prices will soar,” he said, adding: “We will be forced to increase the price of bread.”

New Israeli Restrictions on Arabs to Enter Al Aqsa Mosque

Three rows of men stand and pray, with armed Israeli security forces standing behind them, and a golden dome behind a wall in the background.
Israeli security forces look on as Palestinians pray near the Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.

The Israeli government is discussing whether to increase restrictions on access to an important mosque in Jerusalem during the Islamic holy month of Ramadan, leading to predictions of unrest if the additional limits are enforced.

Cabinet ministers discussed in Feb 2024 whether to bar some members of Israel’s Arab minority from attending prayers at the Aqsa Mosque compound during Ramadan, according to two officials briefed on the deliberations, who spoke on condition of anonymity in order to discuss a sensitive matter.

The office of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a statement that a decision on the matter had already been reached, without saying what it was. But the two officials said a final decision would be made only after the government received recommendations from the security services in the coming days.

Israel has long limited access to Al Aqsa for Palestinians from the Israeli-occupied West Bank, and since the start of the Gaza war, it has imposed extra restrictions on Arabs in Israel. But some had hoped those limits would be largely lifted for Ramadan, which starts in early March.

The mosque complex is sacred to both Muslims and Jews, who call it the Temple Mount because it was the site of two Jewish temples in antiquity that remain central to Jewish identity. By Muslim tradition, it was the place from which the Prophet Muhammad ascended to heaven, and tens of thousands of Muslims visit the mosque every day during Ramadan.

Israeli police raids at the site, riots there by young Palestinians and visits by far-right Jewish activists have often been a catalyst for wider violence, including a brief war between Israel and Hamas in 2021.

The move to further restrict access was promoted in the Israeli cabinet by Itamar Ben-Gvir, the far-right minister for national security, who has long pushed for greater Jewish control over the site and less Muslim access to it. In recent days, he had warned that Muslim worshipers might use access to the mosque to display support for Hamas, the armed group whose Oct. 7 terrorist attack prompted Israel to launch airstrikes and a ground invasion in Gaza.

Analysts say that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is wary of angering Mr. Ben-Gvir because his ruling coalition depends on Mr. Ben-Gvir’s support. But Arab leaders as well as some Jewish Israelis have warned that by allowing Mr. Ben-Gvir to dictate policy at the mosque, Mr. Netanyahu ‌could inflame an already volatile situation‌, as well as‌ undermine freedom of worship.

The move would be “liable to pour unnecessary oil on the fire of violence,” Waleed Alhwashla, an Arab Israeli lawmaker, wrote on social media.

Dan Harel, a former deputy chief of staff in the Israeli military, said in a radio interview that the move would be “unnecessary, foolish and senseless” and might “ignite the entire Muslim world.”

Mr. Netanyahu’s office declined to comment.

The Aqsa Mosque site has long been a fuse in conflicts between Jews and Muslims.

A view over Jerusalem at sunset.
A view of Al Aqsa Mosque, and the Old City, from the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem.

If the Israeli government moves to restrict access for some of its Arab citizens to Al Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem during the Islamic holy month of Ramadan, Arab leaders warn of potential conflict. The mosque is one of the holiest structures in the Islamic faith, and is a chronic flashpoint in tensions between Israel and the Palestinians.

The 35-acre site that encloses the mosque is known by Muslims as Haram al-Sharif, or the Noble Sanctuary, and by Jews as the Temple Mount. The site is part of the Old City of Jerusalem, and is sacred to Christians, Jews and Muslims.

In Arabic, “aqsa” translates as farthest, and in this case it is a reference to Islamic scripture and its account of the Prophet Muhammad traveling from Mecca to the mosque in one night to pray and then ascending to heaven.

The mosque, which can hold 5,000 worshipers, is believed to have been completed early in the eighth century and faces the Dome of the Rock, the golden-domed Islamic shrine that is a widely recognized symbol of Jerusalem. Muslims consider the whole compound to be holy, with crowds of worshipers filling its courtyards to pray on holidays.

For Jews, the Temple Mount, known in Hebrew as Har Habayit, is the holiest place because it was the site of two ancient temples — the first was built by King Solomon, according to the Bible, and was later destroyed by the Babylonians; and the second stood for nearly 600 years before the Roman Empire destroyed it in the first century.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, UNESCO, has classified the Old City of Jerusalem and its walls as a World Heritage Site, meaning it is regarded as “being of outstanding international importance and therefore as deserving special protection.”

Israel captured East Jerusalem, including the Old City, from Jordan during the Arab-Israeli War of 1967, then annexed the area. Israel later declared a unified Jerusalem to be its capital, though that move has never been internationally recognized.

Under a delicate status quo arrangement, an Islamic trust known as the Waqf, funded and controlled by Jordan, continued to administer Al Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock, as it had done for decades, a special role reaffirmed in Israel’s 1994 peace treaty with Jordan.

Israeli security forces maintain a presence on the site and they coordinate with the Waqf. Jews and Christians are allowed to visit, but unlike Muslims, are prohibited from praying on the grounds under the status quo arrangement. (Jews pray just below the sacred plateau at the Western Wall, the remnants of a retaining wall that once surrounded the Temple Mount.)

Tensions over what critics call the arrangement’s discrimination against non-Muslims have periodically boiled over into violence.

Israeli military operations reduce the functioning of two hospitals in southern Gaza to nearly nothing.

United Nations Evacuates Patients From Nasser Medical Complex

An Israeli raid last week has reduced one of Gaza’s biggest hospitals to little more than a shelter for a small, terrified crew of patients and medical staff, while health officials warned on Monday that food and fuel supplies were almost gone at another hospital that has endured a nearly monthlong siege in the same city, Khan Younis.

Israel says it is rooting out Hamas activity at the medical centers, which it says Hamas has used to hide military operations — accusations it has made about multiple hospitals in Gaza, backing up some claims with evidence of Hamas tunnels. Hamas and health officials deny those charges, and aid groups have called on Israel to respect international laws protecting hospitals from attack.

It was not possible to verify statements made by either the Israeli military or the health ministry.

At Nasser Medical Complex, Gaza’s second-largest hospital, 14 patients were evacuated in a United Nations mission on Sunday, the World Health Organization said. The Palestine Red Crescent Society said 18 more were evacuated on Monday. The United Nations said negotiations were continuing for the Israeli military to allow the remaining patients — numbering more than 150, according to the World Health Organization — to be evacuated.

The exodus was prompted by a raid on Thursday by Israeli troops who entered the hospital and detained what Israel said was hundreds of people, including some it said had taken part in the Hamas-led Oct. 7 attack on Israel. Thousands of displaced Palestinians sheltering there evacuated before and during the raid.

Caring for the remaining patients are 15 health care workers, with no tap water, little food and oxygen, few medical supplies and no electricity except a backup generator that maintains some lifesaving equipment, the W.H.O. said. The W.H.O.’s director general, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, said on Sunday that Nasser was no longer functional.

The Gaza health ministry said that Israeli forces had arrested 70 medical personnel, including the director of surgery, and that eight patients had died at Nasser for lack of oxygen.

Israel has emphasized that it raided the hospital to stop Hamas activity. It said that, along with detaining the people it accused of participating in the Oct. 7 attack, it had discovered weapons in the medical complex and evidence tied to the attack.

The Red Crescent said on Monday that the situation at the other hospital in Khan Younis, Al-Amal, was “highly dangerous” after 28 days of siege, with food nearly exhausted and the fuel powering lifesaving equipment running low. It said the hospital had been attacked repeatedly and was shelled by Israeli forces on Sunday, and that Israeli troops had arrested 12 medical and administrative staff members.

A spokesman for the Israeli military referred a request for comment about Al-Amal to Israel’s agency overseeing relations with Gaza, which did not immediately comment.

On Monday, Nebal Farsakh, a spokeswoman for the Red Crescent, said the Israeli military had bombed the area around Al-Amal multiple times, damaging the hospital building and terrifying those inside. She said Israeli troops had shot at the hospital’s water desalination station, disabling it and leaving Al-Amal with less than three days’ supply of drinking water. About 180 people are inside, including patients, medical staff and displaced people, she said.

Video the Red Crescent posted on social media on Monday showed people in the group’s uniforms moving through the darkened hospital, using flashlights as they walked past beds in the hallways. In another video posted on Instagram on Sunday, a young man in medical scrubs described conditions at the hospital, saying Al-Amal had been under siege for so long that he had stopped counting.

“Our biggest dream is to just be able to stand by the windows. To see the sun, the streets. But, unfortunately, we can’t do that,” said the man, Saleem Aburas, whose Instagram account identifies him as a relief coordinator with the Red Crescent. “Because standing by the window means death. The occupation’s snipers are shooting at anything that moves inside the hospital.”

Eight times in a row, the Red Crescent said on Sunday, aid groups had asked Israeli forces for safe passage to deliver food, medical supplies, fuel and generator fuel to Al-Amal. Eight times, it said, they had failed to get that guarantee.

The state of the two hospitals was compounding an already dire situation for the territory’s health system, which the United Nations and aid groups have said is collapsing after Israel’s repeated attacks on hospitals.

International Court of Justice Begins Hearings on Israeli Occupation

The Palestinian Authority’s foreign minister opened arguments in proceedings on the legality of Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories. Israel does not recognize the court’s jurisdiction in the matter.

The only solution, consistent with international law, is for this illegal occupation to come to an immediate, unconditional and total end. As you affirmed 20 years ago, the Palestinian people have the right to self-determination. It is an erga omnes right. It is non-negotiable, nonderogable. No occupying power, including Israel, can be granted a perpetual veto over the rights of the people it occupies. Ending Israel’s impunity is a moral, political and legal imperative. Successive Israeli governments have given the Palestinian people only three options: displacement, subjugation or death.

Representatives of the Palestinians argued at the United Nations’ top court on Monday that Israel’s decades-long occupation had violated international law and subjected Palestinians to what one said was a choice among “displacement, subjugation or death.”

The arguments began six days of hearings at the International Court of Justice in The Hague over the legality of Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories beginning in 1967, including East Jerusalem and the West Bank. The proceedings, which were scheduled months before the war in Gaza began on Oct. 7, have gained added urgency amid that conflict, the deadliest Israeli-Palestinian war.

The court is scheduled to hear from representatives of more than 50 nations, including some of Israel’s allies, such as the United States and Britain, as well as critics, including China and Russia.

Israel is not participating in the oral arguments. It has said it does not recognize the court’s jurisdiction over its activities in the West Bank.

The Israeli prime minister’s office put out a statement on Monday calling the proceedings “an effort designed to infringe on Israel’s right to defend itself against existential threats.” The statement also said the hearing is “part of the Palestinian attempt to dictate the results of the diplomatic settlement without negotiations.”

The Palestinian Authority’s foreign minister, Riyad al-Maliki, opened the proceedings by telling the court that Israel had subjected Palestinians to decades of “colonialism and apartheid.”

“There are those who are enraged by these words,” he said. “They should be enraged by the reality we are suffering.”

Members of the large Palestinian team, which included prominent American, British and French lawyers, laid out a panoply of what they said were violations of international law over the past six decades. They said that 139 countries had recognized the state of Palestine, yet the continuing occupation and annexation of those territories was met with silence and impunity.

“Silence is not an option,” Paul Reichler, an American lawyer on the team, told the 15-judge bench. The court had the power to bring change “by upholding the law, which is all the state of Palestine asks you to do,” he said.

Riyad Mansour, a Palestinian-American diplomat, addressed the judges through tears, his voice breaking several times. He said that with the war in Gaza, Israeli breaches of international law had reached their most inhuman level, “in which no town, no village, no sanctity had been spared” from destruction.

“It is so painful to be a Palestinian today,” he said.

The court, the United Nations’ highest judicial bodyis expected to issue an advisory opinion after the hearings, although it could take weeks to reach one. It will not be legally binding, and Israel has ignored opinions from the court before. But the proceeding this time comes amid growing international pressure on Israel to halt fighting in Gaza, which began after Hamas-led attacks on Israel last October.

The proceedings this week are separate from a case brought by South Africa that accuses Israel of committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, a charge Israel denies. Last month, the court ordered Israel to prevent acts of genocide in the territory, without ruling on whether genocide was occurring.

Still, the timing of this week’s hearings could contribute to an uncomfortable spotlight on Israel’s policies when questions about Palestinian statehood are top of mind for diplomats internationally as negotiations for a cease-fire in Gaza continue.

The U.N. General Assembly first asked the court to consider Israel’s activities in Palestinian territories more than two decades ago. In 2004, the court concluded in an advisory opinion that a wall that Israel was building around the territories violated international law, although Israel ignored the finding.

Human rights groups view the proceedings this week as a long-delayed opportunity to address questions about the Israeli occupation, what they consider discriminatory practices that violate international law and Palestinians’ right to self-determination.

“Governments that are presenting their arguments to the court should seize these landmark hearings to highlight the grave abuses Israeli authorities are committing against Palestinians,” said Clive Baldwin, the senior legal adviser at Human Rights Watch, which says it has documented abuses amounting to illegal persecution and apartheid.

An attempt in the Israeli Parliament to expel an opposition lawmaker falls short.

Image

A man with glasses speaking at a microphone with a flags of Israel behind him.
Ofer Cassif, an Israeli lawmaker, during the debate over his impeachment in the Knesset on Monday

A far-left Israeli lawmaker, Ofer Cassif, has narrowly avoided being expelled from Parliament after he backed efforts to charge Israel with genocide at the International Court of Justice.

Of Israel’s 120 lawmakers, 85 voted to expel Mr. Cassif — just short of the 90 required to oust a member of the Knesset, as the Parliament is known in Hebrew. Eleven lawmakers voted against the motion, and the remaining did not vote.

Right-wing lawmakers began proceedings against Mr. Cassif, a Jewish member of Hadash, a predominantly Arab political alliance, after he signed an online petition in January that accused Israel of taking “systematic and thorough steps to wipe out the population of Gaza.”

Oded Forer, a right-wing opposition lawmaker, called Mr. Cassif’s efforts “treasonous,” accusing him of endangering Israel’s security and of backing Hamas’s attacks on Israel. Mr. Forer then led efforts to expel Mr. Cassif through a law enacted in 2016 — and never previously enforced — that allows for the impeachment of lawmakers who back “armed struggle” against Israel.

Mr. Cassif was suspended from Parliament in October for 45 days after criticizing the government’s conduct of the war.

Though he survived permanent expulsion on Monday, supporters had said the effort to oust him had already highlighted the shrinking space for dissent in wartime Israel.

“The attempt to oust him is simply political persecution,” Haaretz, the main left-leaning newspaper in Israel, said in an editorial published the day before the vote. The editorial also called the effort “an antidemocratic act meant to serve as a precedent for ousting all of the Knesset’s Arab lawmakers.”

Several prominent Arab Israeli politicians were detained by the police for several hours in November as they prepared to hold a rally to protest Israel’s campaign in Gaza.

Johnatan Reiss and Gabby Sobelman contributed reporting.

Show more

Lula recalls Brazil’s ambassador to Israel, escalating a dispute over his war critiques.

Image

The Brazilian ambassador to Israel, Frederico Meyer, accompanied by Israel’s foreign minister, Israel Katz, looking upward at a display at Yad Vashem, the Holocaust memorial in Jerusalem.
The Brazilian ambassador to Israel, Frederico Meyer, foreground right, with Israel’s foreign minister, Israel Katz, at Yad Vashem, the Holocaust memorial in Jerusalem.

President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil recalled his ambassador to Israel on Monday, as tensions escalated between the countries over the Brazilian leader’s sharp remarks against Israel’s war on Hamas.

Mr. Lula summoned the ambassador, Frederico Meyer, back to Brazil “for consultations,” according to a statement from the country’s foreign ministry.

Israel’s foreign minister, Israel Katz, reprimanded Mr. Meyer on Monday about comments in which Mr. Lula compared Israel’s actions in the war to the Holocaust.

Women in Afghanistan Continue to Suffer

The group said it would not take part in a conference that also included women’s rights groups, the European Union and representatives of Afghan civil society.

Antonio Guterres, the Secretary-General of the U.N., spoke at the organization’s conference on Afghanistan. But the Taliban boycotted the event.Credit…Karim Jaafar/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
A man standing at a lectern next to the United Nations flag.

Taliban officials sent a defiant message to Western nations, donors and Afghan women’s groups this week, refusing to attend a conference hosted by the United Nations to discuss humanitarian crises facing Afghanistan and cooperation on human rights issues.

The two-day conference, which began on Sunday, was the second of its kind. It was held to try to chart a course forward for international engagement with the country. But the Taliban administration took issue with the inclusion of some groups at the meeting. Attended by special envoys from 25 countries and regional organizations, the conference is aimed at increasing international engagement with Afghanistan and developing a more coordinated response to the problems afflicting the war-torn nation.

The Taliban administration, the de facto rulers of Afghanistan since 2021, had been invited to the conference but at the last minute the group said it would not attend. In a statement, the Taliban’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it should be the sole official representative of Afghanistan for talks with the international community and only then could engage in frank discussions. Inclusion of others would hinder progress, the statement added.

“This government of Afghanistan cannot be coerced by anyone,” it stated.

Representatives from Afghan civil society, women’s groups, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the European Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization were present at the conference. Afghan political opposition parties, including the National Resistance Front, which has a small armed wing, were not invited, although they had asked to be included.

The Taliban administration’s decision, announced on the eve of the conference, appeared to have been made to avoid awkward conversations with Afghans living outside the country who oppose the Taliban authorities’ exclusion of women, and political opponents inside Afghanistan, several delegates said.

“The Taliban’s refusal to participate in the Doha Conference and engage in a meaningful dialogue with all sides, especially the brave women of Afghanistan, shows the group’s lack of interest in seeking a durable political settlement,” Fawzia Koofi, a former member of the Afghan parliament, said in a statement on X, formerly Twitter.

“I was hopeful until last night,” said Mahbouba Seraj, a women’s rights advocate. “We are divided into two halves. it is impossible to have half of Afghanistan here and half over in Afghanistan.”

She criticized the Taliban for complaining that it was “unreasonable” to have Afghans who were not members of the Taliban included in the conference.

Human rights groups and political opponents of the Taliban administration, which has declared the country an Islamic Emirate, say the Afghan government should allow a pluralistic political system and include women and ethnic minorities in its government.

An Election Shatters the Image of Pakistan’s Mightiest Force

Pakistanis once thought of the military as the iron hand controlling the country’s politics. That illusion has been broken, creating one of the establishment’s biggest crises yet.

People gather outdoors at a political rally. Some are holding up posters of a Pakistani politician.
Supporters of former Prime Minister Imran Khan at a protest in Karachi, Pakistan, on Saturday. The country’s military is accused of rigging vote counts in Feb 8’s election. 

The intimidating myth of an all-powerful military in Pakistan has been smashed in public view.

The first cracks began to appear two years ago, when thousands of Pakistanis rallied alongside an ousted prime minister who had railed against the generals’ iron grip on politics. A year later, angry mobs stormed military installations and set them aflame.

Now comes another searing rebuke: Voters turned out in droves this month for candidates aligned with the expelled leader, Imran Khan, despite a military crackdown on his party. His supporters then returned to the streets to accuse the military of rigging the results to deny Mr. Khan’s allies a majority and allow the generals’ favored party to form a government.

The political jockeying and unrest have left Pakistan, already reeling from an economic crisis, in a turbulent muddle. But one thing is clear: The military — long respected and feared as the ultimate authority in this nuclear-armed country of 240 million people — is facing a crisis.

Its rumblings can be heard in once unthinkable ways, out in the open, among a public that long spoke of the military establishment only in coded language.“Generals should stay out of politics,” said Tufail Baloch, 33, a protester in Quetta, a provincial capital in the country’s restive southwest.

“The military should focus on combating terrorism, not managing the elections,” said Saqib Burni, 33, who demonstrated in Karachi, the country’s most cosmopolitan city.

No one thinks that the military, with its lucrative business interests and self-image as the backbone holding together a beleaguered democracy, will cede power anytime soon. And even after this election, in which Mr. Khan’s allies won the most seats, the generals’ preferred candidate from another party will become prime minister.

But after the outpouring of voter support for Mr. Khan — and the botched effort at paralyzing his party — an overwhelming swell of Pakistanis now view the military as yet another source of instability, analysts say.

As the military’s legitimacy is tested, the country is waiting to see how the army’s chief, Gen. Syed Asim Munir, will respond.

Image

Three people are seen in shadow as they stand atop shipping containers that are blocking a road. The sky is dark and hazy.
A demonstration in Islamabad in 2022 after Mr. Khan was ousted from power.

Will the military exert an even heavier hand to silence the uproar and quash questions about its authority? Will it reconcile with Imran Khan, who is widely seen in the top military ranks as a wild card who could turn the public tide back in its favor? Or will the military stay the course and risk having the unrest spiral out of its control?

“This is the biggest institutional crisis that the military has ever faced in Pakistan,” said Adil Najam, a professor of international affairs at Boston University. “It is not just that their strategy failed. It’s that the ability of the military to define Pakistan’s politics is now in question.”

Since Pakistan’s founding 76 years ago, the generals have either ruled directly or been the invisible hand guiding politics, driven by a view that politicians are fickle, corrupt and insufficiently attuned to existential threats from archrival India and the wars in Afghanistan.

But after a mounting public outcry forced the country’s last military ruler, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, to resign in 2008, the military’s power calculus changed. While true democracy had proved unstable, ruling the country directly opened the military up to too much public scrutiny. Allowing civilians to be elected in democratic votes — while still steering the policies that mattered — could insulate the military from public criticism, or so the thinking went among top brass.

The result was a veneer of democracy that had all the trappings of participatory politics — elections, a functioning Parliament, political parties — but none of the heft. For a decade, prime ministers came and went, ushered in when the military favored them and forced out when they stepped out of line.A person stands in a polling station, most of which is dark with shadow.

Voting in Islamabad this month. Allies of Mr. Khan won the most seats despite a military crackdown.

The fallout from the ouster in 2022 of Imran Khan, a populist leader who pitched himself as an alternative to the country’s entrenched political dynasties, torpedoed that uneasy status quo. Once a darling of the military, Mr. Khan blamed the generals for his removal, popularizing once unimaginable rhetoric among the country’s huge population of young people that the military was a malevolent force in politics.

“There is a new generation that doesn’t see the military as something that rescues them from bad politicians — it is seen as an institution which is in fact part of the trouble,” said Ayesha Siddiqa, author of “Military Inc.: Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy.”

The military’s response to Mr. Khan’s resurgent public support was bungled at best — and severely miscalculated at worst, analysts say.The state censorship machine could not keep up with the flood of viral videos on social media spreading Mr. Khan’s anti-military messages. Arrests and intimidation of military veterans and those in the country’s elite who backed Mr. Khan only seemed to isolate the military from one of its key support bases and drive voters to cast ballots just to spite the generals.

As Mr. Khan was slapped with multiple lengthy prison sentences days before the vote, it deepened people’s sympathy for him, instead of demoralizing them and keeping them home on Election Day, analysts and voters said.

The military’s strategies “completely backfired,” said Aqil Shah, a visiting professor at Georgetown University and author of “The Army and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan.” “They miscalculated the amount of resentment and backlash against what the military was doing and the other parties that were seen as being in collusion with it.”

In the days after the election, the military’s favored party of the moment, led by former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, announced that it had cobbled together a coalition with the country’s third-largest party and others to lead the next government.

People stand side by side on a terrace. One person, Nawaz Sharif, is holding a microphone.
The party of former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, center with microphone, is set to lead a coalition government even after finishing behind Mr. Khan’s allies in the election.

But as candidates aligned with Mr. Khan won the most seats, it proved to Pakistanis that there are limits to the military’s power to engineer political outcomes. And any social legitimacy that the military had left, analysts say, was eroded by widespread allegations of vote tampering to narrow the winning margins among Mr. Khan’s allies.

For now, most expect the generals to stay the course and back the government led by Mr. Sharif’s party, hoping the uproar subsides. But in the months and years to come, they will need to rebuild public trust to stabilize the country, and they have few good options.

Should the current unrest boil over, analysts say, the military may use an even heavier hand to reassert its authority, like imposing martial law. But when the generals have exerted their authority forcibly in the past, they have tended to do so with the public’s support at times of growing exasperation with elected governments.

General Munir or his successor could strike a deal with Mr. Khan to bring him back into politics in the hope that it quells the unrest. While many in the military’s top ranks view Mr. Khan as self-involved and an unreliable partner, his cultlike following could be used to change public opinion about the military.

Though Mr. Khan has portrayed himself as a martyr for democracy, most analysts believe that he would embrace the military and its role in politics again if he was allowed to return to the political scene. But, so far, General Munir has appeared to be steadfast about keeping Mr. Khan out of politics.

The only certainty, experts agree, is that the military’s prominent role in politics is here to stay — as is the instability that the country has been unable to shake.

“What’s unfolding in front of us is something that will lead to a new model of the military’s relationship with politics and society,” Mr. Najam, the professor at Boston University, said. “We don’t know what that will be. But what we know is that the military will remain a force in politics.”

A truck, with the image of a military leader painted on its back, drives down a busy road.
The army’s chief, Gen. Syed Asim Munir, depicted on a truck in Islamabad.

Millions Continue to Clean Latrines by Hand in India

Bezwada Wilson leads one of the largest organizations fighting against caste discrimination in India.
A man in a bright shirt sits at a desk in an office. A bookshelf is behind him and a black-and-white photo hangs on the wall above him.

Bezwada Wilson’s  family members, and many from his broader community, were manual scavengers, tasked with cleaning by hand human excrement from dry latrines at a government-run gold mine in southern India.

While his parents had tried hard to hide from their youngest child the nature of their work as long as they could — telling Mr. Bezwada they were sweepers — as a student Mr. Bezwada knew his classmates viewed him with cruel condescension. He just didn’t know the reason.

“In my growing up years, I was made to feel different from the rest in school. I was not allowed to laugh at jokes, and caste slurs were thrown at me,” Mr. Bezwada said in an interview on a recent evening in Delhi. “All I wanted to know then was why was my community different, and how could I make them equal to the others?”

By the time he was 18 or so, the young man of course knew what his community did to put food on the table, but his knowledge was still only theoretical. He wanted to experience the work for himself.

So he urged some manual scavengers to take him on the job. He watched them reach way down into a pit to scrape dried human waste from toilet floors, piling it into iron buckets and then transferring it into a trolley to be dumped on the mining township’s outskirts.

As he observed, one man’s bucket fell into the pit. The man rolled up his pants before dropping down into ankle-deep waste to pull the bucket out.

“I shouted, cried, and implored him not to do so. How could any human do that?” Mr. Bezwada recalled.

A man reaches a pole down into a pit outside the doors of a public toilet facility.
Cleaning a public toilet in New Delhi in December. Such sanitation work can be extremely dangerous, even deadly.

The night of that incident, furious about what he had witnessed, he spent hours sitting by a water tank, thinking about jumping in to end his life.

And he has, for the last four decades.

Every morning, Mr. Bezwada, now 57, wakes up with a single-minded mission: to unshackle his community from the centuries-old scourge linked to their caste.

“My community did not realize that this is not what they were born to do,” Mr. Bezwada said, “but were made to do by society and government.”

The movement he founded in 1993, Safai Karmachari Andolan, or Campaign of the Cleanliness Workers, is now one of the largest organizations in India fighting against caste discrimination.

While such discrimination is illegal in India, almost all the country’s sanitation workers who deal with human excrement, including those who clean septic tanks and sewers, are from the lowest caste rung in their communities.

An image of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar in the offices of Safai Karmachari Andolan. Mr. Wilson said his politics were shaped by Mr. Ambedkar, a social reformer and the architect of India’s Constitution.A black-and-white poster showing the face of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar hangs in an office next to a map of India.In addition to the social stigma, such work can be extremely dangerous: In enclosed spaces, human waste can create a mix of toxic gases, which can result in loss of consciousness and death for those forced to breathe in the foul air for extended periods.

Mr. Bezwada’s Campaign of the Cleanliness Workers movement has recorded over 1,300 sanitation worker deaths since the early 1990s.

After his own near-death experience at the water tank, Mr. Bezwada kept talking to community members at the Kolar Gold Fields in the state of Karnataka, where 114 dry latrine cleaners and about 1,000 sanitary workers overall were among the approximately 90,000 employees.

Mr. Wilson pointing to a folder containing the details of a sanitation worker’s death. Behind him is a shelf crowded with other folders, each describing another death.
Mr. Wilson going through a folder detailing the death of a sanitation worker. His organization has recorded over 1,300 sanitation worker deaths since the early 1990s.

He discovered manual scavenging was not a local issue but an all-India problem. So he started writing letters, including to Karnataka’s chief minister and to the prime minister of India. He arranged for a camera through a friend and started documenting the situation at the mine, which was closed in 2001.

Communists were active at the camp, frequently staging demonstrations for higher wages, and Mr. Bezwada said he learned how to protest from them.

There were many days where he was the only one protesting, and his mother urged him to end his activism. “‘Forget it. We will move out,’” he said she told him.

His breakthrough moment came when a journalist contacted him for a story on the continued existence of dry toilets in the gold mining township, which officials claimed were no longer there. After the article ran, Mr. Bezwada found himself all over the news. Government officials wanted to inspect the situation themselves, and Mr. Bezwada was called on to show them around.

In an effort to raise awareness beyond the gold mine, Mr. Bezwada started visiting other cities and towns, traveling by bus at night, trying to mobilize the manual scavenger communities he encountered and talking to them about “how to come out of it,” he said.

A chance meeting with a retired bureaucrat in the early 1990s helped formalize his Campaign of the Cleanliness Workers movement, leading to both donations and volunteers.

Since the campaign started, and especially over the last decade, dry latrines have largely been eliminated in India, although Mr. Bezwada said they can still be found in rural and semi-urban parts of some states like Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar. He said he won’t be satisfied until there isn’t a single person picking up waste by hand.

In addition to working to eradicate any remaining dry latrines and replace them with flush toilets, Mr. Bezwada’s movement also trains former manual scavengers in other lines of work, like tailoring, gardening and auto rickshaw driving, and it advocates safer working conditions for all waste workers.

Cleaning a sewer drain in New Delhi in December.
Two mean reach poles down into a drain. One of the men is wearing an orange headband.

In 2023, at least 90 sanitary workers in India died on the job, Mr. Bezwada said. From 2017 to 2022, 373 people are reported to have died cleaning hazardous sewers and septic tanks, according to government data.

Mr. Bezwada said his politics were shaped by the architect of India’s Constitution, Bhim Rao Ambedkar, who himself belonged to Mr. Bezwada’s Dalit caste. It was by reading Mr. Ambedkar, Mr. Bezwada said, that his anger shifted from his community for not resisting, toward society and the government for pushing his caste into inhumane jobs.

“They were doing it to protect the interests of the elite and upper castes,” Mr. Bezwada explained.

Even after nonprofits began supporting his work, Mr. Bezwada still traveled on the cheap, often sleeping at a bus station and covering himself with the newspapers he loved to read during the day for warmth at night.

He mobilized manual scavengers and presented letters to municipalities demanding they demolish the town’s dry toilets. If towns refused, sometimes Mr. Bezwada and his volunteers would take matters into their own hands.

A standing woman, holding a folder, speaks to four seated women.
Poonam Darshan, right, speaking with members of a local sanitation support group. “Even if I go quiet, today there are thousands who are speaking up,” Mr. Bezwada said of the advocacy network he has built.
“We would take crow bars and start breaking them,” he said.

In 1993, he and his volunteers started documenting the existence of dry latrines across India and recording each manual scavenger’s death on the job. In 2003, the organization filed a petition in India’s top court asking for strict enforcement of a law passed in the early 1990s that was meant to eradicate manual scavenging in India but was widely ignored.

It wasn’t until 2014 that the court finally acted: It ordered state governments to pay compensation to families of those who had died cleaning sewers and septic tanks; to take stringent measures to stop manual cleaning of dry latrines; and to retrain people engaged in manual scavenging with skills that would give them the means for a more dignified livelihood.

In 2016 he won the Ramon Magsaysay Award, often called the Nobel Prize for Asia.

“I had no proper education. But loads of real-life wisdom,” Mr. Bezwada said, assessing the reasons for his success.

However agonizingly long the wait for the court’s decision, the time was put to good use.

“The community got organized in the process,” Mr. Bezwada said. “That’s the reward. Even if I go quiet, today there are thousands who are speaking up.”

Mr. Wilson, his right hand raised, talks with two female colleagues in his office.
Mr. Wilson speaking with colleagues. ”I had no proper education,” Mr. Wilson said of his upbringing. “But loads of real-life wisdom.” One recent afternoon, a group of volunteers huddled in his Delhi office for a meeting.

Mr. Bezwada was coaching them on the fine art of full-throated sloganeering for the ongoing campaign against sewer worker deaths.

“Nobody can win without putting up a fight,” Mr. Bezwada told them. “Whatever victory has come in the world so far, it is all through the struggle and fight only. But every fight may not yield a result. What’s important is the fight.”

PTI’s Victory Humiliates Pakistan’s Rulers

Supporters of Imran Khan’s political party rallied in Peshawar, Pakistan, asking for the release of the complete results of the parliamentary election.
A large group of people rally outside with flags, their hands raised up.

Reporting from Islamabad, Pakistan

The party of the imprisoned former prime minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan, won the most seats in parliamentary elections this week, delivering a strong rebuke to the country’s powerful generals and throwing the political system into chaos.

While military leaders had hoped the election would put an end to the political turmoil that has consumed the country since Mr. Khan’s ouster in 2022, it has instead plunged it into an even deeper crisis, analysts said.

Never before in the country’s history has a politician seen such success in an election without the backing of the generals — much less after facing their iron fist.

In voting on Thursday, candidates from Mr. Khan’s party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, or P.T.I., appeared to win about 97 seats in the National Assembly, the lower house of Parliament, the country’s election commission reported on Saturday. The military’s preferred party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, or P.M.L.N., led by a three-time former prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, won at least 73 seats, the commission said. Only seven seats were left unaccounted for — not enough to change the outcome as reported by the commission.

While candidates aligned with Mr. Khan were set to be the largest group in Parliament, they still fell short of a simple majority — setting off a race between the parties of Mr. Khan and Mr. Sharif to win over other lawmakers and establish a coalition government.

Leaders of Mr. Khan’s party also said they planned court challenges in dozens of races that they believe were rigged by the military, and said they would urge their followers to hold peaceful protests if the remaining results were not released by Sunday.

The success of PTI was a head-spinning upset in an election that the military thought would be an easy victory for Mr. Sharif. Ahead of last week’s election, Pakistan’s powerful generals had jailed Mr. Khan, arrested candidates allied with him and intimidated his supporters to clear his party from the playing field — or so they thought. Instead, the election results confirmed that Mr. Khan remains a formidable force in Pakistani politics, despite his ouster and subsequent imprisonment.

On Friday evening, Mr. Khan’s party released a victory speech using a computer-generated voice to simulate that of Mr. Khan, who has been jailed since August. “I congratulate you all for your election 2024 victory. I had full confidence that you would all come out to vote,” the A.I.-generated voice said. “Your massive turnout has stunned everybody.”

A man hangs a red and green flag in support of the political party Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf.
A supporter of Mr. Khan’s party raised a banner near a polling station in Lahore

The success of PTI upended the decades-old political playbook governing Pakistan, a nuclear-armed nation of 240 million. Throughout those years, the military has wielded ultimate authority, guiding its politics behind a veil of secrecy, and civilian leaders have typically risen to power only with its support — or been driven from office by its heavy hand.The vote also showed that Mr. Khan’s strategy of preaching reform and railing against the military has resonated deeply with Pakistanis — particularly young people — who are disillusioned with the political system. It also proved that his loyal base of supporters was seemingly immune to the military’s old tactics for demoralizing voters, including arresting supporters and issuing long prison sentences to their political leaders days before the vote.

Mr. Khan, a former cricket star turned populist politician, was sentenced to a total of 34 years in prison after being convicted in four separate cases on charges that included leaking state secrets and unlawful marriage, and that he has called politically motivated.

Three of those verdicts were issued just days before the vote — an old tactic used by the military, analysts say. But early estimates show that around 48 percent of the voters turned out for the election, according to the Free and Fair Election Network, an organization of civil society groups. Voter turnout in the country’s past two elections was about 50 percent, the organization said.

The results were “both an anti-establishment vote and also a vote against the status quo, against the two other major political parties that have been ruling the country and their dynastic politics,” Zahid Hussain, an analyst based in Islamabad, said, referring to the military as the establishment.Men stand outside under flags and banners.

Voters gathered outside a polling station in Lahore. Many young people turned out for the former cricket star turned PM, Imran Khan. 

Without a simple majority, most analysts believe it will be difficult for PTI, to form a government. Some P.T.I. leaders have also suggested that the party would rather remain in the opposition than lead a weakened coalition government with Mr. Khan still behind bars.

Despite lagging behind in the polls, Nawaz Sharif gave a victory speech in front of a crowd of supporters of his party, PML-n. He also invited other parties to join his in forming a coalition government, suggesting that such a coalition would not include P.T.I.

“We are inviting everyone today to rebuild this injured Pakistan and sit with us,” he said in a speech in Lahore, the capital of Punjab Province.

But any coalition Mr. Sharif manages to form will face serious political challenges. The coalition government led by PML-n after Imran Khan’s ouster was deeply unpopular and widely criticized for failing to address an economic crisis that has battered the country and sent inflation to record highs.

The incoming government is also likely to face a serious legitimacy crisis. The election on Thursday has also been criticized by some as one of the least credible in the country’s history, and delays in releasing the election results have led to widespread allegations that the military tampered with the vote count to tip the scales back in PML-n’s favor.

With P.T.I. promising bruising and lengthy court battles over the results, it could be some time before any party manages to form a government.

“We will pursue all legal options, and we will pursue all constitutional options,” said a PTI leader.

Stop Making Election 2024 a Farce

The delay in the announcement of election results is unusual and appears fishy. Karachi’s stock index and Pakistan’s sovereign bonds fell because of the uncertainty. Special secretary at the ECP blamed an “internet issue” for the delay, which is worst and ECP then dismiss, and not suspend, the concerned officials; incidentally, even ECP’s website is not functioning. This was one time that the world may be clicking the most on the website and the system collapsed. This is so typical and pathetic.
To make matters worst, the government suspended mobile phone services on the election day (Feb 8) which made it difficult for the voters to locate their polling stations and votes. In other words, every attempt was being made to prevent and discourage voters from voting.
PTI was denied the electoral symbol thus adding to the confusion for the voters. Despite this, the voters were able to locate the PTI candidate amongst the many candidates and voted for the PTI in large numbers.
It became difficult to manipulate the election results in the KP province but the “rulers” probably panicked by midnight and suspended announcement of election results by midnight as PTI candidates were winning.
By the time the people woke up the next day, the tables had turned and PTI started to lose. The election agents of its candidates were denied Form 45 at many places and the returning officers denied access to its candidates while consolidating the results.
If the election does not result in a clear majority for anyone, as analysts are predicting, tackling multiple challenges will be tricky – foremost being seeking a new bailout program from the IMF after the current arrangement expires in three weeks.

Stop Killing Children in Gaza

A photo of a woman holding a child who’s covered in a blanket.
A woman carries the body of her child, who was killed in an airstrike on a house in Gaza.Credit…Haitham Imad/EPA, via Shutterstock
A photo of a woman holding a child who’s covered in a blanket.

Opinion Columnist

Sign up for the Israel-Hamas War Briefing.  The latest news about the conflict. Get it sent to your inbox.

Consider this: The most dangerous place to be a child in the world today is Gaza.

That’s the assessment of Catherine Russell, the executive director of UNICEF, who is not a bleeding-heart radical but a former ambassador and veteran lawyer who worked for Presidents Biden and Barack Obama.

Already it appears that more than twice as many children have died in Gaza just since the war started on Oct. 7 as in all the conflicts worldwide in 2022, according to United Nations figures.

“Almost one out of every 150 Palestinian children in Gaza have been killed in just two months,” noted Dr. Zaher Sahloul, president of MedGlobal, an aid group working there. “That is the equivalent of half a million American children.”

Dr. Sahloul warned that many others may “die from infections, waterborne diseases or dehydration,” while others will suffer from lifelong physical disabilities.

We can and should despise Hamas, a repressive, misogynist and homophobic force that uses Palestinian civilians as human shields. And we can understand how Israel, traumatized by savage killings and rapes by Hamas, is determined to strike back. But just because Hamas is indifferent to the lives of Palestinian children does not mean that Israel or the United States should be reckless as well.

The Biden administration has continued to periodically defend Israel not only when it is attacked, which is right, but even when it causes enormous numbers of Gazan civilian deaths. Contrary to Biden administration claims that Israel is getting the message to show restraint, the United Nations reports that this week “saw some of the heaviest shelling in Gaza so far” and that “If possible, an even more hellish scenario is about to unfold.”

“Nowhere is safe in Gaza,” said Martin Griffiths, the top U.N. official for humanitarian matters. “Such blatant disregard for basic humanity must stop.”

The United Nations commissioner for human rights, Volker Türk, has suggested that war crimes have been committed by both Hamas and Israel, yet too many Americans decry some deaths but not others. We tell the world that we are supporting Ukraine because of our belief in the “rules-based international order,” and then we provide weaponry that ends up killing children on a huge scale in Gaza.

Too many see events through a prism in which lives are invaluable on one side while deaths on the other are regrettable.

The Gaza health authorities say that 16,248 people have been killed in the enclave so far, about 70 percent of them women and children. It’s impossible to verify the figures, but human rights monitors say the figures are credible and have proved reliable in the past. A senior Biden administration official told Congress that the reported figures may well be an undercount (presumably because of bodies unrecovered under the rubble).

If those figures are right, that means that a woman or child has been killed on average about every seven minutes around the clock since the war began. Some have been babies in incubators.

The savagery of the Oct. 7 attacks precipitated the bombardment, of course, and Hamas continues to hold hostages. Every bit of diplomatic pressure should be applied to Hamas to free those hostages and, in the meantime, to allow them visits by humanitarian workers. The penchant of some American progressives to tear down posters for hostages is nauseating, as is the wave of antisemitism that we’ve seen in both the United States and Europe.

There is a distinction: Hamas deliberately killed and kidnapped children on Oct. 7. Israel is not deliberately killing Palestinian children; it is simply bombing entire neighborhoods with far too little attention to civilian life. There is a moral difference there, but I wouldn’t want to try to explain it to grieving parents in Gaza.

While recognizing Israel’s right to defend itself, how is it advancing its security by flattening large areas with 2,000-pound bombs? The United States has repeatedly counseled Israel to use smaller bombs and more surgical strikes, in part to avoid turning tactical victories into strategic defeat.

As best we can tell, these are the results of its operation so far:

  • Israel appears to have modestly degraded Hamas’s military capacity. An Israeli military spokesman estimated that several thousand Hamas fighters had been killed, which might amount to 10 percent or less of the Hamas force.

  • Hamas has gained popularity and credibility in the West Bank (Hamas flags were everywhere when I visited recently).

  • Israeli hostages have been placed at risk and reportedly killed.

  • The initial global outpouring of support for Israel has been replaced by a flood of sympathy for Palestinians.

  • Hamas has succeeded in one of its aims, putting the Palestinian cause back on the global agenda.

  • Revulsion at the Palestinian loss of life has jeopardized the stability of neighbors like Jordan and put off any hope for now of an accord between Israel and Saudi Arabia.

  • The risks of an uprising in the West Bank have increased, along with those of a wider war with Lebanon.

So has this made Israel safer? Enough to justify killing a woman or child every seven minutes around the clock?

I’ve covered lots of conflicts, and one of the striking things about the bombardment of Gaza is how intense it has been. About half of buildings in northern Gaza show structural damage, according to analyses of satellite images.

The pace of killing of civilians has been much greater than in most other recent conflicts; the only one that I know of that compares is perhaps the Rwanda genocide in 1994. Far more women and children appear to have been killed in Gaza than in the entire first year of the Iraq war, for example.

“It has condensed the suffering usually acquired over several years into six weeks,” said Dr. Annie Sparrow, a pediatrician with long experience practicing in war zones and an associate professor at the Icahn School of Medicine. “For the babies born into this war, many pre-orphaned, it is as if they inherit a congenital affliction — a destiny to suffer, to live a constrained life, due to events that they have no ability to affect.”

By pulverizing entire neighborhoods and killing huge numbers of civilians instead of using smaller bombs and taking a much more surgical approach, as American officials have urged, Israel has provoked growing demands for an extended cease-fire that would arguably amount to a Hamas victory. In short, I fear that inflicting mass casualties is a strategic error as well as a moral one; while parts of Gaza were flattened with the goal of destroying Hamas, that might be what rescues Hamas.

We should be particularly pained that children are dying from American bombs and missiles. I’m glad that Biden administration officials are finding their voice and speaking up to try to slow the killing, but I wish it hadn’t taken so long.

If Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is wading into a quagmire, President Biden is doing Israel no favors by biting his tongue in public. He should speak up more forcefully on behalf of the children in whose deaths I fear we are complicit.

Look, it’s hard to have a conversation about the Middle East, because people quickly divide into sides. But the side we should be on is that of children dying pointlessly in Israel and Gaza alike without advancing anyone’s security. The lives of Israeli, American and Palestinian children all have equal value, and we should act like it.